The use of force goes hand in hand with telling lies by the force users. In the early days of the NRA/M their basic political tenets have always been rebels and more rebels. In order to forestall any political opposition, Museveni and his NRA have labeled those who oppose them as rebels of one kind or another. The rule of law means those laws promulgated by NRA for the benefit of the NRA. Specifically it means using force to get rid of political or any types of opponents to the NRA. It means staging state-managed accidents, false evidences and corruption of the system to achieve NRA's aims. There are so many players in the NRA games that you cannot predict what is going to happen. They are a law unto themselves.
When Museveni ordered the FM station in Lango District to apologize, he was not merely addressing the management of the the Station. He was specifically ordering the whole NRM/A system out to attack Otunnu and any other credible oppositions. The reasoning here is not different from Amin's when he attacked Archbishop Luwum praying, "Let there be no bloodshed in the country..." The Archbishop was arrested that since he is praying that let there be no bloodshed, it means he knows about a plot to overthrow the government. So, serving Otunnu with a summon as reported by Daily Monitor "The police are investigating Mr Otunnu over claims he allegedly made that President Museveni funded rebel leader Joseph Kony," falls into Amin's attack of the Archbishop. The Daily Monitor continued: "Mr Otunnu yesterday said his utterances were not criminal. “It’s not a crime to say that State House provided him (Joseph Kony) with satellite phones, airtime and sacks of money. I have lots and lots of evidence but let them dare.”"
Museveni is the greatest spreader of lies and fear in Uganda and he is above the law also. To say that all truth resides with him, Museveni, is a disservice to rule of law. Those statements made by the UPC president, sends the right message to all leaders that they are the servants of the people and will be held accountable.
Ugandan must watch very closely what is going on from the following directions: The police, the army, the presidential brigade, the intelligence services and NRA/M Youth. Watch their actions and you will see that there is no law but Museveni, in Uganda. The struggle for a sane Uganda leader is on. The people shall prevail!
Thursday, April 15, 2010
Sunday, January 25, 2009
Museveni's Illusions
The war in the north has been going on for close to twenty years. People have been displaced in a maneuver code-named ‘Operation Scorched Earth’ implying that the government wanted nothing alive in the Acholiland. There should be no living things except government soldiers. At that time, Museveni would now accept that there were no more rebels. In this way the Acholi have been regarded as the Rebels: not the LRA. As soon as the people were forced out of their homes, they were herded into concentration camps where there was no housing or sanitation. People had to begin building from scratch living in the open fields without any protection. This situation can drive you to commit all sorts of inhuman acts. And this was instituted under the watchful eyes of Museveni and his commanders from western Uganda, who constituted 99.9 percent of the army. It was through indiscriminate bombings of the land that people were forced to move because if you did not move you would be considered a rebel and treated accordingly. At this point it would be instructive to ask the Museveni government how many Rebels were there? Why did they have to bombard the whole land in order to move the people out of their villages? Where else in the world or in their campaign, have they used a similar tactic? And what were the results?
These questions are still relevant today and we want to get answers to them. Uganda government is being operated in several tiers: the private wing consisting of Museveni and his original groups from the bush war period, and the parliamentary groups. What took Museveni to the bush was not loss of election through rigging, but disdain for the rule of law. This attitude has never left Museveni. In Museveni world, he is the ‘law’. So, whenever you are dealing with Museveni, you must bear this in mind that Museveni is the law. In order to gain support from the southern tribes in Uganda, Museveni had to turn them against the tribes from the north. As his troops approached Kampala, he said, “We are tired of these northerners, the Okellos...” That was early in 1986 just before the capture of Kampala. The actions of bombarding villages, inciting people to commit murders in the name of tribes, targeting a tribe for liquidations are crimes and are prosecutable by the ICC.
For more than twenty years under Museveni, Uganda has been in war every single day of that period. No mention have been made of indicting Museveni at the Hague. On the other hand, President Bashir of Sudan has been indicted by the same body, the ICC.
The case of Joseph Kony or LRA (Lord's Resistance Army) is very much the case of man versus computer in a game of chess. All the people who joined Museveni thinking his war was a revolution to change Uganda for the better, have been liquidated. The only people who have survived in the NRM (National Resistance Movement) or alive outside the organization are the people who come from Museveni’s tribe or inner circle.
Prior to going into the bush, Museveni had already perfected a method of causing dislike or hatred of the government by attacking people at night and blaming it on government soldiers which he was part of. Attacks in Luwero were stage-managed to implicate government soldiers. Whether people believed it or not, did not matter. But it provided Museveni with a way to ‘purge’ himself of his conscience to do despicable things; and he did many. The story in Acholi follow the same pattern. And Museveni has been forced to negotiate against his will. He has done everything to wreck the peace process to no avail for almost two years. But Recently he decided to go back to what he knows best, which is fighting wars. That is why he hurriedly attacked the LRA camps on flimsy charge of failing to sign the peace agreement. He himself had not sign it. So, one wonders why did he attack the LRA in Congo? Wherever Museveni sends soldiers, there will always be disproportionate civilian death. Suddenly, it is the LRA massacring civilians and Museveni knows all about it in details. No independent journalists are allowed in the area. And the news out of Uganda is nothing but opinion of the writers!
These questions are still relevant today and we want to get answers to them. Uganda government is being operated in several tiers: the private wing consisting of Museveni and his original groups from the bush war period, and the parliamentary groups. What took Museveni to the bush was not loss of election through rigging, but disdain for the rule of law. This attitude has never left Museveni. In Museveni world, he is the ‘law’. So, whenever you are dealing with Museveni, you must bear this in mind that Museveni is the law. In order to gain support from the southern tribes in Uganda, Museveni had to turn them against the tribes from the north. As his troops approached Kampala, he said, “We are tired of these northerners, the Okellos...” That was early in 1986 just before the capture of Kampala. The actions of bombarding villages, inciting people to commit murders in the name of tribes, targeting a tribe for liquidations are crimes and are prosecutable by the ICC.
For more than twenty years under Museveni, Uganda has been in war every single day of that period. No mention have been made of indicting Museveni at the Hague. On the other hand, President Bashir of Sudan has been indicted by the same body, the ICC.
The case of Joseph Kony or LRA (Lord's Resistance Army) is very much the case of man versus computer in a game of chess. All the people who joined Museveni thinking his war was a revolution to change Uganda for the better, have been liquidated. The only people who have survived in the NRM (National Resistance Movement) or alive outside the organization are the people who come from Museveni’s tribe or inner circle.
Prior to going into the bush, Museveni had already perfected a method of causing dislike or hatred of the government by attacking people at night and blaming it on government soldiers which he was part of. Attacks in Luwero were stage-managed to implicate government soldiers. Whether people believed it or not, did not matter. But it provided Museveni with a way to ‘purge’ himself of his conscience to do despicable things; and he did many. The story in Acholi follow the same pattern. And Museveni has been forced to negotiate against his will. He has done everything to wreck the peace process to no avail for almost two years. But Recently he decided to go back to what he knows best, which is fighting wars. That is why he hurriedly attacked the LRA camps on flimsy charge of failing to sign the peace agreement. He himself had not sign it. So, one wonders why did he attack the LRA in Congo? Wherever Museveni sends soldiers, there will always be disproportionate civilian death. Suddenly, it is the LRA massacring civilians and Museveni knows all about it in details. No independent journalists are allowed in the area. And the news out of Uganda is nothing but opinion of the writers!
Saturday, December 20, 2008
Dangerous Sycophant in Uganda
The article written by John Nagenda in the New Vision of Friday, December 19, 2008 shows how bias and sycophantic he is. There are ample information about Museveni and his behavior in peace negotiations which really point to the fact that he is not interested in peace in the country (Uganda). It has been Museveni who would introduce new issues as he did in the Nairobi peace talks until the talks collapsed. The resumption of war or fighting has always been from his side as he again did with the Kony attack in Garamba.
If John Nagenda had cared to research Museveni’s method, he would have found out easily why we have war in Uganda for the last 27 years. If anyone is interested in non biased analysis of Museveni’s modus operandi, check out this site http://www.c-r.org/our-work/accord/northern-uganda/reaching-nairobi-agreement.php.
A little snippet is included here.
About Bethuel Kiplagat:
Ambassador Kiplagat is presently the Director of the Africa Peace Forum, Kenya. At the time of the 1985 Nairobi agreement he was Permanent Secretary in the Kenyan Ministry of Foreign Affairs and played a key role in facilitating the negotiations. He has extensive peacemaking experience in Africa, including a prominent role in the Mozambican peace process.
Bethuel wrote:
They began the talks by hurling insults at each other and continued to do so throughout the proceedings. Museveni denounced previous regimes in Uganda as ‘primitives’ and ‘backward’. He initially refused to negotiate with the Military Council delegation, dismissing them as ‘criminals’. He in turn was accused by the Military Council of delaying the negotiation process unnecessarily. He then failed to show up for three consecutive days, having left for Europe through Dar es Salaam. On his return, Museveni and the NRM/A raised new demands for the agenda. Once agreement was reached on an agenda item, Museveni would change his position the following day, or put forward new demands on the same matter. For instance, at one point he insisted that, as he was the head of the NRM/A, Tito Okello was merely the commander of another factional army, not a head of state, although Okello’s status had been agreed earlier as a basis for the negotiations moving forward. President Moi considered this demand ‘disrespectful’ and overruled it. But Museveni’s repeated reintroduction of supposedly resolved issues prolonged discussions considerably.
To recapitulate, the war in Uganda is a result of Museveni’s intense desire to be an absolute ruler in Uganda because he considers the people of Uganda to be fools and in particular to eliminate all the people of Acholi because they pose the gravest threat to his continued rule. They are the people who have the reasons to remember every dirty tricks like the mass murder committed by Museveni’s forces at Corner Kilak where people were asked to assemble to be addressed by Fred Rwigyema, the then overall commander of NRA in Northern Uganda. Many such information are available about how Museveni operated with child soldiers, bank robbery and many dubious and unlawful methods, to achieve power. Now that he is in power all those methods become acceptable to him and his supporters! Uganda has a long way to go to achieve a national character.
Museveni achieves his aims through wars and other people’s abhorrence of wars.
If John Nagenda had cared to research Museveni’s method, he would have found out easily why we have war in Uganda for the last 27 years. If anyone is interested in non biased analysis of Museveni’s modus operandi, check out this site http://www.c-r.org/our-work/accord/northern-uganda/reaching-nairobi-agreement.php.
A little snippet is included here.
About Bethuel Kiplagat:
Ambassador Kiplagat is presently the Director of the Africa Peace Forum, Kenya. At the time of the 1985 Nairobi agreement he was Permanent Secretary in the Kenyan Ministry of Foreign Affairs and played a key role in facilitating the negotiations. He has extensive peacemaking experience in Africa, including a prominent role in the Mozambican peace process.
Bethuel wrote:
They began the talks by hurling insults at each other and continued to do so throughout the proceedings. Museveni denounced previous regimes in Uganda as ‘primitives’ and ‘backward’. He initially refused to negotiate with the Military Council delegation, dismissing them as ‘criminals’. He in turn was accused by the Military Council of delaying the negotiation process unnecessarily. He then failed to show up for three consecutive days, having left for Europe through Dar es Salaam. On his return, Museveni and the NRM/A raised new demands for the agenda. Once agreement was reached on an agenda item, Museveni would change his position the following day, or put forward new demands on the same matter. For instance, at one point he insisted that, as he was the head of the NRM/A, Tito Okello was merely the commander of another factional army, not a head of state, although Okello’s status had been agreed earlier as a basis for the negotiations moving forward. President Moi considered this demand ‘disrespectful’ and overruled it. But Museveni’s repeated reintroduction of supposedly resolved issues prolonged discussions considerably.
To recapitulate, the war in Uganda is a result of Museveni’s intense desire to be an absolute ruler in Uganda because he considers the people of Uganda to be fools and in particular to eliminate all the people of Acholi because they pose the gravest threat to his continued rule. They are the people who have the reasons to remember every dirty tricks like the mass murder committed by Museveni’s forces at Corner Kilak where people were asked to assemble to be addressed by Fred Rwigyema, the then overall commander of NRA in Northern Uganda. Many such information are available about how Museveni operated with child soldiers, bank robbery and many dubious and unlawful methods, to achieve power. Now that he is in power all those methods become acceptable to him and his supporters! Uganda has a long way to go to achieve a national character.
Museveni achieves his aims through wars and other people’s abhorrence of wars.
Wednesday, January 30, 2008
Kenya Electoral Commission Spoke the Truth
When the Chairman of the ECK said he was pressured by the PNU and ODM-K to announce the result of the election, many people did not believe him. Kibaki as the leader of PNU became the president while Kalonzo Musyoka, the leader of ODM-K became the vice president. This has removed all doubts that that election was rigged. Mr Kivuitu also stated that he saw return from one polling station having a different figure than the one signed at the polling station.
The people of Kenya have been living under various oppressive regimes. This began to change when a coming together of several parties under the rainbow coalition was able to wrest power from Daniel Arap Moi. The first try was defeated because the opposition was so much splintered that they could not obtain a majority against Moi's political machinery. The second time they succeeded when Raila Odinga crafted a cryptic message , "Kibaki Tosha," to unify the opposition.
The NARC coalition broke down when Kibaki did not honor the memorandum of understanding that brought the different parties together. The biggest complaint was that Kibaki had surrounded himself with corrupt people who prevented any meaningful change from occurring. Kenya never got the new constitution as promised. So, when Kibaki announced that election was to take place at the end of 2007, the old coalition, NARC disintegrated and Kibaki was left basically without a party. This is when the opportunists surrounding him seized the time to craft a new political party to enable Kibaki stay in power. They came up with PNU (Party of National Unity). By then the damage was already done. Almost every major party had joined the ODM thereby giving it a national character. Also, there was so much wrangle in the creation and running of the PNU that the only thing that kept it together was not a political idea but protection of vested interest that was being threatened by ascent of ODM to power. It was at this time that Uhuru Kenyatta was frightened out of ODM giving PNU a Gatundu stripe.
The majority of Kenyans are yearning for a change and an improvement in their lives. They pinned their hope on voting out the Kibaki government as was witnessed by the number of minister losing their seats in parliament. During the tallying of the ballots, Raila Odinga was way ahead of Kibaki when things suddenly changed! Results coming into the KICC indicated a higher figures favoring Kibaki on arrival at the center and signatures of party representatives from the polling stations were also missing. Then late on Sunday December 30, 2007 around 5 p.m., the chairman of the ECK went to the state house and announced the result giving victory to Kibaki. Hastily, within one hour and without any member of the diplomatic corps present, Kibaki was sworn in as the president for the second time.
So, when riots broke out, it was because people had lost all hope of a peaceful change and felt betrayed and cheated openly by the people now in government.
To say that the opposition or anybody for that matter, planned the violence is tantamount to ignoring the history of Kenya since independence. Claims of ethnic cleansing or tribal wars are statement from correspondents and people who don't care about the dynamics of the Kenya society. They are too lazy to research the cause of this great misery in a once peaceful nation where every neighboring country sought refuge. In the given situation, if the violence had preceded election it would have been appropriate to call it ethnic or tribal war. But in this case many areas of the country has not received proportional development fund. Corruption is eating up the highest echelon of power and change through the ballot box has been rigged out. Can you also call this ethnic cleansing?
Given that there is a direct correlation between speeches endorsing the election result and violence, would it be better to recruit 30,000 new police or desist from making provocative statements endorsing injustice and unfairness? If one cannot be fare and just in this instance where he is caught red-handed, how can one expect him to be when he can perform his activities out of the public eyes?
The people of Kenya have been living under various oppressive regimes. This began to change when a coming together of several parties under the rainbow coalition was able to wrest power from Daniel Arap Moi. The first try was defeated because the opposition was so much splintered that they could not obtain a majority against Moi's political machinery. The second time they succeeded when Raila Odinga crafted a cryptic message , "Kibaki Tosha," to unify the opposition.
The NARC coalition broke down when Kibaki did not honor the memorandum of understanding that brought the different parties together. The biggest complaint was that Kibaki had surrounded himself with corrupt people who prevented any meaningful change from occurring. Kenya never got the new constitution as promised. So, when Kibaki announced that election was to take place at the end of 2007, the old coalition, NARC disintegrated and Kibaki was left basically without a party. This is when the opportunists surrounding him seized the time to craft a new political party to enable Kibaki stay in power. They came up with PNU (Party of National Unity). By then the damage was already done. Almost every major party had joined the ODM thereby giving it a national character. Also, there was so much wrangle in the creation and running of the PNU that the only thing that kept it together was not a political idea but protection of vested interest that was being threatened by ascent of ODM to power. It was at this time that Uhuru Kenyatta was frightened out of ODM giving PNU a Gatundu stripe.
The majority of Kenyans are yearning for a change and an improvement in their lives. They pinned their hope on voting out the Kibaki government as was witnessed by the number of minister losing their seats in parliament. During the tallying of the ballots, Raila Odinga was way ahead of Kibaki when things suddenly changed! Results coming into the KICC indicated a higher figures favoring Kibaki on arrival at the center and signatures of party representatives from the polling stations were also missing. Then late on Sunday December 30, 2007 around 5 p.m., the chairman of the ECK went to the state house and announced the result giving victory to Kibaki. Hastily, within one hour and without any member of the diplomatic corps present, Kibaki was sworn in as the president for the second time.
So, when riots broke out, it was because people had lost all hope of a peaceful change and felt betrayed and cheated openly by the people now in government.
To say that the opposition or anybody for that matter, planned the violence is tantamount to ignoring the history of Kenya since independence. Claims of ethnic cleansing or tribal wars are statement from correspondents and people who don't care about the dynamics of the Kenya society. They are too lazy to research the cause of this great misery in a once peaceful nation where every neighboring country sought refuge. In the given situation, if the violence had preceded election it would have been appropriate to call it ethnic or tribal war. But in this case many areas of the country has not received proportional development fund. Corruption is eating up the highest echelon of power and change through the ballot box has been rigged out. Can you also call this ethnic cleansing?
Given that there is a direct correlation between speeches endorsing the election result and violence, would it be better to recruit 30,000 new police or desist from making provocative statements endorsing injustice and unfairness? If one cannot be fare and just in this instance where he is caught red-handed, how can one expect him to be when he can perform his activities out of the public eyes?
Monday, January 28, 2008
Another Deadline for LRA - Military Option Once Again
Museveni has been forced to accept a negotiated settlement to northern Uganda war because the cost has become very high to the people who finance his expedition in the north. He has been working tirelessly to make sure that a meaningful settlement is not reached. But the real reason is very difficult to see unless one looks more closely at the interest and actions of his lieutenants in the north.
Salim Saleh, Museveni half brother attempted to buy land in Acholi but was repulsed and has not been able to find a better way to acquire that land. Next Museveni has tried to come in through Madhvani sugar works but he is facing stiff opposition. He is attempting to go through the paramount chief of Acholi but the members of parliament are in the way.
Above all, Museven's land grabbing plans has included Baganda land where he is meeting stiff resistance and now the Baganda are in similar danger as the Acholi's and therefore are bound to come together threatening Museveni's reign.
So, what can Museveni do? He can use the army and acquire the land by force. There is only one obstacle - Kony and his LRA. So, before he puts any of his plans into action, Kony and the LRA must first be liquidated. That is why he is trying to convince Congo, Rwanda, Burundi and MONUC to help him fight Kony. Once he torpedoes the Juba peace talks, he can then do as he pleases with the few seasoned military men under LRA. Once the people have no land, then they will become beggars whom Museveni can use to perpetrate his reign far into the future.
Museveni is seeking to control all the arable lands in Uganda and give it to his cronies thereby impoverishing the people. This will pave the way for his dynasty in Uganda. To Museveni, the problem and death in Kenya could not have come at a better time! We the people have accepted Museveni's rule til death do us part.
Salim Saleh, Museveni half brother attempted to buy land in Acholi but was repulsed and has not been able to find a better way to acquire that land. Next Museveni has tried to come in through Madhvani sugar works but he is facing stiff opposition. He is attempting to go through the paramount chief of Acholi but the members of parliament are in the way.
Above all, Museven's land grabbing plans has included Baganda land where he is meeting stiff resistance and now the Baganda are in similar danger as the Acholi's and therefore are bound to come together threatening Museveni's reign.
So, what can Museveni do? He can use the army and acquire the land by force. There is only one obstacle - Kony and his LRA. So, before he puts any of his plans into action, Kony and the LRA must first be liquidated. That is why he is trying to convince Congo, Rwanda, Burundi and MONUC to help him fight Kony. Once he torpedoes the Juba peace talks, he can then do as he pleases with the few seasoned military men under LRA. Once the people have no land, then they will become beggars whom Museveni can use to perpetrate his reign far into the future.
Museveni is seeking to control all the arable lands in Uganda and give it to his cronies thereby impoverishing the people. This will pave the way for his dynasty in Uganda. To Museveni, the problem and death in Kenya could not have come at a better time! We the people have accepted Museveni's rule til death do us part.
Friday, January 25, 2008
Remember Museveni in Congo?
Kibaki was never prepared for a second tern in office. He said that he was only going to run one time. Whether this was a bait so that he could be accepted by NARC group or a genuine interest in only serving one term, we can never know. The PNU (Party of National Unity) is certainly a contraption of an active mind bent on staying in the power house, hurriedly put together to enable Kibaki compete a second time. The most interesting show was that of Uhuru Kenyatta abandoning the opposition in order to join the government side. One can only wonder the appeal! Whenever you make this kind of connection, there is danger that one may not honor the agreement. The national character that was embodied by ODM became so troubling that Uhuru Kenyatta was unceremoniously pulled out of the group by clique close to Kibaki. What better message could it be than party of national unity?
Then there was the slogan that a "Luo could not rule" being floated around. There was no politics to go with it. Instead of explaining what they want to accomplice so that the electorate can give them their votes, they (PNU)squandered their chance. Meanwhile ODM was taking it message to all corners of the country. When Raila reached Kibaki's stronghold he was unceremoniously ejected from a hotel belonging to a Kibaki supporter. This was the first glimpse of what could happen in the election. Nowhere else in Kenya did a thing of such magnitude occur, but there were several instances of intolerance. Generally, Kenyans have been patient and watching the going ons but they committed to change through the ballot box. If Kibaki had won "fair and square" without people actually witnessing an open 'rigging,' no one would have resorted to violence. There are reasons why people resort to violence and this election qualified as one. You can put any label on it but it will not change its intensity. It is generally perceived that Kibaki surrounded himself with hardliners and rich people who were able to isolate him from ordinary Kenyans. Other disputes like the memorandum of understanding before beating the Moi government, also have been simmering but the election provided hope that a new administration would usher in better and fair treatment for all. If it was a purely tribal animosity there would be no need to stop momentarily when fairness and wisdom indicate a change in direction. The arrival of the former secretary general of UN, Mr Kofi Anan gave people hope of a resolution of the problem. But as soon as Kibaki again made provocative statement that he was duly elected, violence flared up again and this time it is getting worse because they see that the government of Kibaki is determined to oppress them again for another five years. Evidently preaching politics in the name of tribes alone does nothing but bring in suffering for any group perceived to be allied to the oppressor. Our actions as leaders have far and profound effect on those we lead. There can never be violence where the people feel that they have been treated fairly. Tanzania is a case in point. but even in Tanzania there is a simmering problem between mainland and Zanzibaris.
The history of Kenya is replete with government sponsored killings of opponents. Tom Mboya, Robert Ouko, and J.M. Kariuki were all murdered in the same way by the same group of people in the government. These happened under Kenyatta and also under Moi. Their tribe really did not matter but the fact that they were a threat to the establishment made them all meet the same fate. Tom Mboya was not killed because he was a Luo but because he made a statement in parliament that a clique around Kenyatta was enriching themselves at the expense of ordinary Kenyans. Ouko had easier access to US president than Moi and JM was giving more money at harambee than Kenyatta was doing. People see these actions but have no immediate answer. They absorb it for a long time but never forget it. It gives them clue of the people in power what they can do and how they can be rid off them. That people can so easily label actions in terms of tribes is indicative of a weak system of government prone to corruption.
Now Museveni is angling for a piece of the action in Kenya politic. What better method to assure Kibaki that he would defend him at all cost and that he should not negotiate with 'those killers'? Museveni is also fighting to have Kibaki keep him company of 'democratic dictators.' Museveni also knows that if the people in Kenya succeed in pushing Kibaki out of power, then a similar thing can easily happen in Uganda. That is why he is so far the only leader to congratulate Kibaki on winning the reelection. Then just like in Congo and Sudan, Museveni will send in Uganda troops to 'secure the railway lines.' Just watch and see if Kenya does not resolve the problem through dialogue!
Then there was the slogan that a "Luo could not rule" being floated around. There was no politics to go with it. Instead of explaining what they want to accomplice so that the electorate can give them their votes, they (PNU)squandered their chance. Meanwhile ODM was taking it message to all corners of the country. When Raila reached Kibaki's stronghold he was unceremoniously ejected from a hotel belonging to a Kibaki supporter. This was the first glimpse of what could happen in the election. Nowhere else in Kenya did a thing of such magnitude occur, but there were several instances of intolerance. Generally, Kenyans have been patient and watching the going ons but they committed to change through the ballot box. If Kibaki had won "fair and square" without people actually witnessing an open 'rigging,' no one would have resorted to violence. There are reasons why people resort to violence and this election qualified as one. You can put any label on it but it will not change its intensity. It is generally perceived that Kibaki surrounded himself with hardliners and rich people who were able to isolate him from ordinary Kenyans. Other disputes like the memorandum of understanding before beating the Moi government, also have been simmering but the election provided hope that a new administration would usher in better and fair treatment for all. If it was a purely tribal animosity there would be no need to stop momentarily when fairness and wisdom indicate a change in direction. The arrival of the former secretary general of UN, Mr Kofi Anan gave people hope of a resolution of the problem. But as soon as Kibaki again made provocative statement that he was duly elected, violence flared up again and this time it is getting worse because they see that the government of Kibaki is determined to oppress them again for another five years. Evidently preaching politics in the name of tribes alone does nothing but bring in suffering for any group perceived to be allied to the oppressor. Our actions as leaders have far and profound effect on those we lead. There can never be violence where the people feel that they have been treated fairly. Tanzania is a case in point. but even in Tanzania there is a simmering problem between mainland and Zanzibaris.
The history of Kenya is replete with government sponsored killings of opponents. Tom Mboya, Robert Ouko, and J.M. Kariuki were all murdered in the same way by the same group of people in the government. These happened under Kenyatta and also under Moi. Their tribe really did not matter but the fact that they were a threat to the establishment made them all meet the same fate. Tom Mboya was not killed because he was a Luo but because he made a statement in parliament that a clique around Kenyatta was enriching themselves at the expense of ordinary Kenyans. Ouko had easier access to US president than Moi and JM was giving more money at harambee than Kenyatta was doing. People see these actions but have no immediate answer. They absorb it for a long time but never forget it. It gives them clue of the people in power what they can do and how they can be rid off them. That people can so easily label actions in terms of tribes is indicative of a weak system of government prone to corruption.
Now Museveni is angling for a piece of the action in Kenya politic. What better method to assure Kibaki that he would defend him at all cost and that he should not negotiate with 'those killers'? Museveni is also fighting to have Kibaki keep him company of 'democratic dictators.' Museveni also knows that if the people in Kenya succeed in pushing Kibaki out of power, then a similar thing can easily happen in Uganda. That is why he is so far the only leader to congratulate Kibaki on winning the reelection. Then just like in Congo and Sudan, Museveni will send in Uganda troops to 'secure the railway lines.' Just watch and see if Kenya does not resolve the problem through dialogue!
Monday, March 05, 2007
The Juba Peace Talks
The Juba Peace Talks
The Juba peace talks have been interrupted because the LRA felt that there were grounds to be considered in order to make it a fair exercise. Their contentions were that:
1. Uganda army was attempting to surround LRA in the two designated assembly points,
2. The mediator, Dr. Riek Machar was not neutral.
As a result, they demanded that the mediator be changed and a new venue outside Sudan be found. These followed clearly documented evidences of Uganda government troops being closer to the assembly point than was comfortable(intent to capture LRA and end peace talks) and Dr. Riek Machar making demands that were tantamount to supporting the position of Uganda government.
The aim of negotiation is to find ‘middle ground.’ Dr. Riek Machar has been calling for the top leaders of LRA to attend the peace talks because the next stage required the signing of documents. Yet, at the same time, contentious issues raised by the LRA delegations are brushed aside. So, what documents were Kony and Otti necessary to sign? It is true that the presence of Kony in Juba would indicate how close peace was to northern Uganda. But there is also a chance that the situation could degenerate into far worse scenarios than is currently obtaining.
Given Museveni’s propensities for violating peace treaties and the constant shuttling of GOSS Vice President and mediator between Juba and Kampala, would this not give anyone ground for rejecting Machar as mediator?
Acholi delegation to Juba attempting to rejuvenate the peace talks recommends that Juba be the venue. Sudanese governors meeting recommends that LRA be forcibly evicted from Southern Sudan and that the peace talks are carried out elsewhere keeping GOSS as mediator. Both these groups are not really part of the peace talks but they directly benefit greatly from the cessation of war in their areas.
No other party, so far, has even acknowledged the position taken by the LRA as genuine and deserving of immediate attention. At the same time they demand that Kony himself come to Juba to sign some important document that are coming up shortly!! The mediator has threatened the LRA to do what he wants, like Kony coming to Juba to sign documents and that failure on the part of Kony is indicative of his lack of interest in peace in northern Uganda. On the other hand, refusing to accommodate the demands put forth by the LRA on the grounds that ‘it is frivilous’ is really delaying the conclusion of the talks.
There are sentimental reasons for Acholi groups insisting that Juba continue to be the venue of the peace talks and that Dr. Riek Machar continue being the moderator. Museveni, however, has purged himself of all such feelings and therefore ready to subjugate our Acholi people.
Briefly, I find that the LRA delegation is genuine in their demand for change of venue and mediator. It is up to us to clearly state our demands and indicate how far we can go without seeing concrete results before purging our people of those same sentiments that is making us subservient to Museveni who cares nothing about us.
The Juba peace talks have been interrupted because the LRA felt that there were grounds to be considered in order to make it a fair exercise. Their contentions were that:
1. Uganda army was attempting to surround LRA in the two designated assembly points,
2. The mediator, Dr. Riek Machar was not neutral.
As a result, they demanded that the mediator be changed and a new venue outside Sudan be found. These followed clearly documented evidences of Uganda government troops being closer to the assembly point than was comfortable(intent to capture LRA and end peace talks) and Dr. Riek Machar making demands that were tantamount to supporting the position of Uganda government.
The aim of negotiation is to find ‘middle ground.’ Dr. Riek Machar has been calling for the top leaders of LRA to attend the peace talks because the next stage required the signing of documents. Yet, at the same time, contentious issues raised by the LRA delegations are brushed aside. So, what documents were Kony and Otti necessary to sign? It is true that the presence of Kony in Juba would indicate how close peace was to northern Uganda. But there is also a chance that the situation could degenerate into far worse scenarios than is currently obtaining.
Given Museveni’s propensities for violating peace treaties and the constant shuttling of GOSS Vice President and mediator between Juba and Kampala, would this not give anyone ground for rejecting Machar as mediator?
Acholi delegation to Juba attempting to rejuvenate the peace talks recommends that Juba be the venue. Sudanese governors meeting recommends that LRA be forcibly evicted from Southern Sudan and that the peace talks are carried out elsewhere keeping GOSS as mediator. Both these groups are not really part of the peace talks but they directly benefit greatly from the cessation of war in their areas.
No other party, so far, has even acknowledged the position taken by the LRA as genuine and deserving of immediate attention. At the same time they demand that Kony himself come to Juba to sign some important document that are coming up shortly!! The mediator has threatened the LRA to do what he wants, like Kony coming to Juba to sign documents and that failure on the part of Kony is indicative of his lack of interest in peace in northern Uganda. On the other hand, refusing to accommodate the demands put forth by the LRA on the grounds that ‘it is frivilous’ is really delaying the conclusion of the talks.
There are sentimental reasons for Acholi groups insisting that Juba continue to be the venue of the peace talks and that Dr. Riek Machar continue being the moderator. Museveni, however, has purged himself of all such feelings and therefore ready to subjugate our Acholi people.
Briefly, I find that the LRA delegation is genuine in their demand for change of venue and mediator. It is up to us to clearly state our demands and indicate how far we can go without seeing concrete results before purging our people of those same sentiments that is making us subservient to Museveni who cares nothing about us.
Sunday, November 12, 2006
ICC Is 'Monkey Wrench' In Juba Peace Talks
I cannot believe that the most educated and ‘forward’ people cannot understand what the LRA is saying about not assembling at the two locations.
1. The LRA chief said he couldn’t go to Juba as long as the ICC warrant is in effect.
2. Museveni says he cannot ask the ICC to withdraw the warrants unless the LRA sign the peace deal.
3. ICC says it cannot withdraw the warrants unless Museveni requests it.
All these issues simply stifle the peace negotiation. So is the peace talks being relegated to secondary status?
The negotiation in Juba is not proceeding in good tone otherwise there would be enough trust to defray these three points. We would like to see a comprehensive agreement that is acceptable and enforceable/sustainable before we can comment on the three issues.
LRA chiefs are within their rights to refuse to attend Juba talks unless their fear can be allayed. Uganda government, on the other hand cannot demand a signing of a peace agreement first then granting the LRA protection or requesting the withdrawal of the warrants because it does not affect the contents of the peace talks. If anything, the LRA have the right to fear that the government is bent on trapping them instead of delivering peace to northern region.
Kony's presence cannot boost the peace talk at this time at all because even the LRA have unilaterally adopted a cease-fire that has been kept by them in spite of incitement by government forces. A big delagation from Acholi has visited the general at his hide-out and that should have been all the boost we needed. Right now, there is no agreement to sign to bring Gen. Kony to Juba especially with the ICC warrant in place. If the peace talk is also the venue where ICC arrest will be effected, then there is no need to waste our time negotiating an unsustainable agreement.
Conclusion:
Absence of warrants will allow LRA to have more trust and make negotiation more likely to succeed. However, this will rob Museveni of a method of taunting and attempting to frustrate the LRA to abandon the peace talk.
The third point of ICC withdrawing the warrant is also less important if the government and LRA engage in sincere talks aimed at restoring peace and dignity to all. Only after the talks have been concluded to the satisfaction of all stakeholders should the ICC issues be tackled if they are still relevant then. At that time it will be easy to point out where or how the ICC warrant obstructs the return of peace.
So, there you have it. The bringing of ICC issue at the peace talk serves no other purpose at this time except to scuttle the meeting. That is what it is. No argument can alter that fact!
There are absolutely no scenarios in which the ICC warrant can concurrently exist with the ongoing peace talks in Juba to a peaceful conclusion.
1. The LRA chief said he couldn’t go to Juba as long as the ICC warrant is in effect.
2. Museveni says he cannot ask the ICC to withdraw the warrants unless the LRA sign the peace deal.
3. ICC says it cannot withdraw the warrants unless Museveni requests it.
All these issues simply stifle the peace negotiation. So is the peace talks being relegated to secondary status?
The negotiation in Juba is not proceeding in good tone otherwise there would be enough trust to defray these three points. We would like to see a comprehensive agreement that is acceptable and enforceable/sustainable before we can comment on the three issues.
LRA chiefs are within their rights to refuse to attend Juba talks unless their fear can be allayed. Uganda government, on the other hand cannot demand a signing of a peace agreement first then granting the LRA protection or requesting the withdrawal of the warrants because it does not affect the contents of the peace talks. If anything, the LRA have the right to fear that the government is bent on trapping them instead of delivering peace to northern region.
Kony's presence cannot boost the peace talk at this time at all because even the LRA have unilaterally adopted a cease-fire that has been kept by them in spite of incitement by government forces. A big delagation from Acholi has visited the general at his hide-out and that should have been all the boost we needed. Right now, there is no agreement to sign to bring Gen. Kony to Juba especially with the ICC warrant in place. If the peace talk is also the venue where ICC arrest will be effected, then there is no need to waste our time negotiating an unsustainable agreement.
Conclusion:
Absence of warrants will allow LRA to have more trust and make negotiation more likely to succeed. However, this will rob Museveni of a method of taunting and attempting to frustrate the LRA to abandon the peace talk.
The third point of ICC withdrawing the warrant is also less important if the government and LRA engage in sincere talks aimed at restoring peace and dignity to all. Only after the talks have been concluded to the satisfaction of all stakeholders should the ICC issues be tackled if they are still relevant then. At that time it will be easy to point out where or how the ICC warrant obstructs the return of peace.
So, there you have it. The bringing of ICC issue at the peace talk serves no other purpose at this time except to scuttle the meeting. That is what it is. No argument can alter that fact!
There are absolutely no scenarios in which the ICC warrant can concurrently exist with the ongoing peace talks in Juba to a peaceful conclusion.
Tuesday, November 07, 2006
The Juba Peace Talks is About Peace in Uganda
Many people have varying views about the Juba peace talks. Some think it is about 'soft landing' by the LRA top commanders. This is rather simplistic if one considers how the whole country has been thrown into turmoil and bloodshed by many ambitious groups. The greatest division among the people has been ushered in by the NRM regime which has killed and maimed with impunity. So well-carried out are their plans that an ordinary person would not be able to tell the crime NRM is committing. One favorite method is to cordon off an area and fake an attack in which the NRA is always victorious and only allow its version of news to be published afterwards.
Now, the Monitor newspaper has published an article written by Angelo Izama which is one of the best example of how NRM manipulates events and information. It is one of the greatest fabrications in the history of Uganda NRM regime. Izama either only reads what he wants to read or is compelled to ignore other obvious sources of contradiction to his story.On October 24, 2006 it was reported in a Nairobi newspaper that 15 soldiers from the federal government were arrested for killing 5 people south of Juba. This killing was reported by Uganda authorities to be the work of LRA. In spite of the fact that the government of Southern Sudan has said the killings was the work of suspects from the federal government; Angelo Izama (NRM propaganda) would have none of that. So they came up with a name for these groups as “New LRA”. Why does it have to be ” New LRA?”The only plausible reason is that the government of Uganda has made a mistake to accept the peace negotiation in Juba Sudan where they cannot control the pace of things and are trying to find a way to scuttle the peace talks because LRA has now become a more formidable force than hitherto believed. It has now even metamorphosed into 'New LRA.' The situation in southern Sudan is very complex in terms of the number of forces involved in the areas.
The arrival of ‘New LRA’ is, definitely, not the reason to scuttle the peace talks. The way Izama put it, Khartoum did not need a pseudonym to carry out its mandate. It is really in poor taste to imply that the Khartoum government can only operate incognito in southern Sudan or that they need to be the ‘formidable LRA’ in order to be heard or accomplish their goals. What Izama is doing here is telling his readers that there are no wrong-doers other than LRA. This is wrong and does not promote understanding among different groups with opposing ideas. The insistence that all wrong-doings be pinned on LRA is sinister warning from Uganda government that they will respect no peace accord signed by the LRA or any groups for that matter.
And, totally missing the point, the Uganda government is not able to see that the peace talk is about peace to the people of northern region, eastern region and all areas of Uganda. Given all the negative propaganda against the LRA, it should have become clear that the reason people all over the world are not convinced about the Uganda government propaganda is that evil and repression is certainly being perpetrated by the government. The LRA is merely doing its best to resist a sophisticated genocidal plan of the government.
Right now as I speak, if the Museveni government were to remove the NRA soldiers from all detaches, reverse its policy towards the people in eastern and northern Uganda, promote a committee for reconciliation, obtain and disburse fund for rehabilitation of the northern and eastern regions, revert maintaining of law and order to the police, embark on a program to empower the people in all communities, the Juba peace talk would become redundant. These few points would result in a speedy return to normalcy in Uganda. Museveni has had a long and prosperous rule, which he can now exit with the Juba Peace talks. At this time the will to forgive and not look back is at its highest among the tired people of Uganda because the so-called peace in the rest of Uganda is really a result of the pervasive spy network instituted by Museveni in terms of NRA cadres and LC system. So, Museveni can either take it or let the opportunity slip by again. The people have a long memory.
Now, the Monitor newspaper has published an article written by Angelo Izama which is one of the best example of how NRM manipulates events and information. It is one of the greatest fabrications in the history of Uganda NRM regime. Izama either only reads what he wants to read or is compelled to ignore other obvious sources of contradiction to his story.On October 24, 2006 it was reported in a Nairobi newspaper that 15 soldiers from the federal government were arrested for killing 5 people south of Juba. This killing was reported by Uganda authorities to be the work of LRA. In spite of the fact that the government of Southern Sudan has said the killings was the work of suspects from the federal government; Angelo Izama (NRM propaganda) would have none of that. So they came up with a name for these groups as “New LRA”. Why does it have to be ” New LRA?”The only plausible reason is that the government of Uganda has made a mistake to accept the peace negotiation in Juba Sudan where they cannot control the pace of things and are trying to find a way to scuttle the peace talks because LRA has now become a more formidable force than hitherto believed. It has now even metamorphosed into 'New LRA.' The situation in southern Sudan is very complex in terms of the number of forces involved in the areas.
The arrival of ‘New LRA’ is, definitely, not the reason to scuttle the peace talks. The way Izama put it, Khartoum did not need a pseudonym to carry out its mandate. It is really in poor taste to imply that the Khartoum government can only operate incognito in southern Sudan or that they need to be the ‘formidable LRA’ in order to be heard or accomplish their goals. What Izama is doing here is telling his readers that there are no wrong-doers other than LRA. This is wrong and does not promote understanding among different groups with opposing ideas. The insistence that all wrong-doings be pinned on LRA is sinister warning from Uganda government that they will respect no peace accord signed by the LRA or any groups for that matter.
And, totally missing the point, the Uganda government is not able to see that the peace talk is about peace to the people of northern region, eastern region and all areas of Uganda. Given all the negative propaganda against the LRA, it should have become clear that the reason people all over the world are not convinced about the Uganda government propaganda is that evil and repression is certainly being perpetrated by the government. The LRA is merely doing its best to resist a sophisticated genocidal plan of the government.
Right now as I speak, if the Museveni government were to remove the NRA soldiers from all detaches, reverse its policy towards the people in eastern and northern Uganda, promote a committee for reconciliation, obtain and disburse fund for rehabilitation of the northern and eastern regions, revert maintaining of law and order to the police, embark on a program to empower the people in all communities, the Juba peace talk would become redundant. These few points would result in a speedy return to normalcy in Uganda. Museveni has had a long and prosperous rule, which he can now exit with the Juba Peace talks. At this time the will to forgive and not look back is at its highest among the tired people of Uganda because the so-called peace in the rest of Uganda is really a result of the pervasive spy network instituted by Museveni in terms of NRA cadres and LC system. So, Museveni can either take it or let the opportunity slip by again. The people have a long memory.
Wednesday, October 25, 2006
What Will Museveni Next Do in Sudan?
In September 2005 this blog reported:
According to report in the Nation, "A source said Khartoum is particularly concerned that President Museveni entered Sudanese territory without informing the central authority. According to military sources, the president entered Yei under heavy military escort including battlewagons and heavy artillery."
This occurred when Museveni traveled to attend the funeral of Dr. John Garang in Southern Sudan city of Yei. Almost a year later, Museveni has tried yet another trick to reduce the GOSS to a surrogate administration in which he can come as and when he likes without any protocol. This is really a very dangerous precedent. Museveni has a large deployment of soldiers allegedly for the purpose of an operation that was named "Iron Fist", an attempt to 'finish off' the last of the LRA. This year, even when Museveni has agreed to have a peace negotiation to solve the problem that has bedeviled northern Uganda for close to twenty years, the Uganda forces are still deployed in southern Sudan without restriction when a peace talk is going on in Juba.
This time Museveni traveled to Juba with five different aircraft: the presidential jet and four other helicopters. Is this the "Invasion of Sudan" that Museveni has been planning for a long time? According to protocol, Museveni should have gone to Khartoum first before proceeding to Juba. So, what is really going on here?
Considering the international interest in Sudan as a whole, Museveni is on a mission that has nothing to do with peace talks going on in Juba. The fact that he has been reported to have met the LRA delegation and berated and merely abused them is indicative that his main aim is not peace negotiations. Museveni is searching for some "buttons" to push in order to torpedo the talks and achieve his aims in southern Sudan.
There is a Lwo saying that says: "Lewic weko icamo awola" which means that you see a man poisoning food and offering it to you but you are too shy to refuse and end up dead. The security of Southern Sudan is also the security of northern Uganda and consequently, the security of the rest of Uganda and the great lakes regions of Africa. Can we count on Salva Kir to rise up to the challenge?
According to report in the Nation, "A source said Khartoum is particularly concerned that President Museveni entered Sudanese territory without informing the central authority. According to military sources, the president entered Yei under heavy military escort including battlewagons and heavy artillery."
This occurred when Museveni traveled to attend the funeral of Dr. John Garang in Southern Sudan city of Yei. Almost a year later, Museveni has tried yet another trick to reduce the GOSS to a surrogate administration in which he can come as and when he likes without any protocol. This is really a very dangerous precedent. Museveni has a large deployment of soldiers allegedly for the purpose of an operation that was named "Iron Fist", an attempt to 'finish off' the last of the LRA. This year, even when Museveni has agreed to have a peace negotiation to solve the problem that has bedeviled northern Uganda for close to twenty years, the Uganda forces are still deployed in southern Sudan without restriction when a peace talk is going on in Juba.
This time Museveni traveled to Juba with five different aircraft: the presidential jet and four other helicopters. Is this the "Invasion of Sudan" that Museveni has been planning for a long time? According to protocol, Museveni should have gone to Khartoum first before proceeding to Juba. So, what is really going on here?
Considering the international interest in Sudan as a whole, Museveni is on a mission that has nothing to do with peace talks going on in Juba. The fact that he has been reported to have met the LRA delegation and berated and merely abused them is indicative that his main aim is not peace negotiations. Museveni is searching for some "buttons" to push in order to torpedo the talks and achieve his aims in southern Sudan.
There is a Lwo saying that says: "Lewic weko icamo awola" which means that you see a man poisoning food and offering it to you but you are too shy to refuse and end up dead. The security of Southern Sudan is also the security of northern Uganda and consequently, the security of the rest of Uganda and the great lakes regions of Africa. Can we count on Salva Kir to rise up to the challenge?
Thursday, October 19, 2006
Sudan Must Decide to Move Ugandan Troops to the Border
History
When Uganda government fell out with Congo, they sent their army into Congo to follow the rebels of the ADF there. What followed the arrival and stay of Uganda forces in Congo is a long list of mayhem and looting of Congo mineral wealth under various companies overseen by the Uganda army. Different militias were armed to exact killings against the other tribes in the region. The arms used were supplied by the Uganda army. The only people who operated in these areas were Uganda, Rwanda and Congolese nationals. Nothing has been heard about the ADF in spite of that being the reason Uganda went into Congo in the first place.
Now, using a similar strategies, Uganda has turned its attention to Sudan. The presence of Uganda troops in Sudan should have been very much modified such that they should have been staying close to the border. But for some reasons or others, Uganda troops are roaming free in southern Sudan as if it was its own territory. Does the question of sovereignty matter anymore?
A truce has been signed between Uganda and LRA witnessed by the government of Southern Sudan. Our able reporters of the Daily Monitor in Southern Sudan and Uganda have reported that the truce has been broken or violated by both the LRA and Uganda government. These reporters are aware that the LRA was to report to two locations: Owiny Kibul and Rii Kwangba. Although these reporters were not part of the negotiation, couldn't they see that this was tantamount to suicide by the LRA? But they did not even as much as point that out; let alone taking the high ground of criticizing it for ‘impossibility of performance.’ So, the UPDF comes very close to Owiny Kibul where LRA are converging. The LRA sees danger and vacates the location. Monitor reporters wrote that LRA and government troops have violated the spirit of the agreement. This glaring conspiracy will do nothing but erode any vestige of confidence in the intention of Uganda government troops. In truth, it was the approaching encirclement by UPDF that caused the LRA to leave the assembly point.
The reporters also stated “Eyewitnesses claim the rebel Lord’s Resistance Army carried out the massacres.” Who are the eyewitnesses and who interviewed them? Without this information, the newspaper would be better off not publishing such a questionable story and sending it around the world. When several attempts to negotiate peace were made within Uganda, it never lasted as long as it has lasted in Juba today. The UPDF would find ways to try and ambush the rebels and as soon as the LRA gets winds of UPDF plans, they would disperse for their safety. That would be the end of peace talks.
Now with the involvement of the government of southern Sudan, the UPDF are finding it very difficult to torpedo the peace talks. However, they are not leaving any ‘stones unturned’ before continuing with the peace talks. Already they have participated in killing 41 people most of whom were civilian with the hope that they can embroil southern Sudan in the mess and eventually scuttle the peace talks. Sudan has acknowledged the four attacks by ‘different armed ambushes by a group we have not yet ascertained’ but Uganda has already put the blame, unequivocally, on the LRA. How can this be? And as would be intended by Uganda, Machar responded with great emotion as reported in the Monitor newspaper from Uganda; “Shocked and incensed by the violent scene, Machar drove back to Juba and summoned the LRA delegation for a meeting on Tuesday night. The LRA negotiators, who had stayed at the Juba Bridge Hotel in protest over Sunday's incursions, however, declined to respond to Machar’s calls.” Under this scenario, Uganda hopes to impel Sudan to make rash decisions and perhaps even attack the LRA thereby scuttling the peace talks completely.
Conclusion:
Uganda government especially the military wing composed of the original NRA, do not wish to relinquish power and the privileges they have become so used to in the past eighteen years or so. Furthermore, the piecemeal operations towards the LRA provide ample excuses and tangible proofs to attract more funds from donors than a successful return of peace to the region. Also, the economic damage in the north is a big boon for diverted funds to the south where the bigwigs of NRA come from. This will stop as soon as there is peaceful resolution and ensuing reconstruction of the north. And most ominous of all is the combined size and quality of economic recovery of northern and eastern regions of Uganda plus all the peripheral regions including southern Sudan. These regions that have been suffering under Museveni dictatorial regime will become an unassailable force against Yoweri’s army of oppressors. Sudan can demand that Uganda soldiers be located on Uganda side of the border for as long as the peace talks last so that it will have fewer forces to deal with on its side of the border. It is its sovereign's right to demand so! This is the most relevant decision it can make immediately. Otherwise Museveni is going to cause mayhem in southern Sudan.
When Uganda government fell out with Congo, they sent their army into Congo to follow the rebels of the ADF there. What followed the arrival and stay of Uganda forces in Congo is a long list of mayhem and looting of Congo mineral wealth under various companies overseen by the Uganda army. Different militias were armed to exact killings against the other tribes in the region. The arms used were supplied by the Uganda army. The only people who operated in these areas were Uganda, Rwanda and Congolese nationals. Nothing has been heard about the ADF in spite of that being the reason Uganda went into Congo in the first place.
Now, using a similar strategies, Uganda has turned its attention to Sudan. The presence of Uganda troops in Sudan should have been very much modified such that they should have been staying close to the border. But for some reasons or others, Uganda troops are roaming free in southern Sudan as if it was its own territory. Does the question of sovereignty matter anymore?
A truce has been signed between Uganda and LRA witnessed by the government of Southern Sudan. Our able reporters of the Daily Monitor in Southern Sudan and Uganda have reported that the truce has been broken or violated by both the LRA and Uganda government. These reporters are aware that the LRA was to report to two locations: Owiny Kibul and Rii Kwangba. Although these reporters were not part of the negotiation, couldn't they see that this was tantamount to suicide by the LRA? But they did not even as much as point that out; let alone taking the high ground of criticizing it for ‘impossibility of performance.’ So, the UPDF comes very close to Owiny Kibul where LRA are converging. The LRA sees danger and vacates the location. Monitor reporters wrote that LRA and government troops have violated the spirit of the agreement. This glaring conspiracy will do nothing but erode any vestige of confidence in the intention of Uganda government troops. In truth, it was the approaching encirclement by UPDF that caused the LRA to leave the assembly point.
The reporters also stated “Eyewitnesses claim the rebel Lord’s Resistance Army carried out the massacres.” Who are the eyewitnesses and who interviewed them? Without this information, the newspaper would be better off not publishing such a questionable story and sending it around the world. When several attempts to negotiate peace were made within Uganda, it never lasted as long as it has lasted in Juba today. The UPDF would find ways to try and ambush the rebels and as soon as the LRA gets winds of UPDF plans, they would disperse for their safety. That would be the end of peace talks.
Now with the involvement of the government of southern Sudan, the UPDF are finding it very difficult to torpedo the peace talks. However, they are not leaving any ‘stones unturned’ before continuing with the peace talks. Already they have participated in killing 41 people most of whom were civilian with the hope that they can embroil southern Sudan in the mess and eventually scuttle the peace talks. Sudan has acknowledged the four attacks by ‘different armed ambushes by a group we have not yet ascertained’ but Uganda has already put the blame, unequivocally, on the LRA. How can this be? And as would be intended by Uganda, Machar responded with great emotion as reported in the Monitor newspaper from Uganda; “Shocked and incensed by the violent scene, Machar drove back to Juba and summoned the LRA delegation for a meeting on Tuesday night. The LRA negotiators, who had stayed at the Juba Bridge Hotel in protest over Sunday's incursions, however, declined to respond to Machar’s calls.” Under this scenario, Uganda hopes to impel Sudan to make rash decisions and perhaps even attack the LRA thereby scuttling the peace talks completely.
Conclusion:
Uganda government especially the military wing composed of the original NRA, do not wish to relinquish power and the privileges they have become so used to in the past eighteen years or so. Furthermore, the piecemeal operations towards the LRA provide ample excuses and tangible proofs to attract more funds from donors than a successful return of peace to the region. Also, the economic damage in the north is a big boon for diverted funds to the south where the bigwigs of NRA come from. This will stop as soon as there is peaceful resolution and ensuing reconstruction of the north. And most ominous of all is the combined size and quality of economic recovery of northern and eastern regions of Uganda plus all the peripheral regions including southern Sudan. These regions that have been suffering under Museveni dictatorial regime will become an unassailable force against Yoweri’s army of oppressors. Sudan can demand that Uganda soldiers be located on Uganda side of the border for as long as the peace talks last so that it will have fewer forces to deal with on its side of the border. It is its sovereign's right to demand so! This is the most relevant decision it can make immediately. Otherwise Museveni is going to cause mayhem in southern Sudan.
Saturday, October 07, 2006
Do Not Torpedo the Peace Talks in Juba
Something tells me this Juba Peace talks is about something else other than peace. Why are the Uganda and Southern Sudan government intent on LRA assembling in two locations and signing of the documents in a great hurry?
Why would anybody even consider that the peace talks proceed with ICC threat unresolved? Museveni, has to provide conditions to keep the ICC away from Kony and his commanders, otherwise there will be no peace involving those five men. These two issues are mutually exclusive. Without these men, there must be modified peace talks, becasue the people of Uganda in the affected areas still need peace from the government of Museveni.
Twenty years of oppression and mistrust cannot be wiped out by mere signing of documents in Juba.
There are specific conditions that are indicative of hidden traps and tricks. Would Garang have agreed to assemble the SPLA in a location that can easily be ambushed by Sudan government? If not, why would they include this condition for the LRA without safeguard?
If Riek Machar is impartial, why is he treating the LRA as if they have no rights and obligations?
If Museveni really wants peace, why is he constantly threatening the LRA with force if they did not assemble at the two locations, or sign peace by some given dates?
What does the army commander General Aronda mean when he says that it is “free for all”?
Failure of a comprehensive peace agreement should be put on the government of Uganda and Sudan for maintaining a stance that creates fear and distrust to the LRA.
Museveni has in the past lured rebels out of the bush with false promises of peace only to turn around and liquidate them one by one.
If these people are really in a hurry for peace to return to the country, then they should remove threats and relocate UPDF south of Karuma. The LRA then can be in charge of peace development and security in the north. That should be coupled with messages that promote trust and confidence in both sides. Right now, what is happening is that some UPDF commanders begin to talk provocatively the moment there are positive moves towards peaceful resolution. This is because they will lose some of the benefits from operations against the rebels.
So, the best thing that the government of Southern Sudan can do is have patience and facilitate peace talk to all available extent. Assembling in specific locations seems to be the least to worry about if the two sides are ready for peace. So far the LRA have indicated maturity and seriousness by controlling its fighters, while losing some to Uganda government forces, although they are not confined in any specific locations. After exhaustive searches for solutions, the proponents may then say, " We have done our best."
Why would anybody even consider that the peace talks proceed with ICC threat unresolved? Museveni, has to provide conditions to keep the ICC away from Kony and his commanders, otherwise there will be no peace involving those five men. These two issues are mutually exclusive. Without these men, there must be modified peace talks, becasue the people of Uganda in the affected areas still need peace from the government of Museveni.
Twenty years of oppression and mistrust cannot be wiped out by mere signing of documents in Juba.
There are specific conditions that are indicative of hidden traps and tricks. Would Garang have agreed to assemble the SPLA in a location that can easily be ambushed by Sudan government? If not, why would they include this condition for the LRA without safeguard?
If Riek Machar is impartial, why is he treating the LRA as if they have no rights and obligations?
If Museveni really wants peace, why is he constantly threatening the LRA with force if they did not assemble at the two locations, or sign peace by some given dates?
What does the army commander General Aronda mean when he says that it is “free for all”?
Failure of a comprehensive peace agreement should be put on the government of Uganda and Sudan for maintaining a stance that creates fear and distrust to the LRA.
Museveni has in the past lured rebels out of the bush with false promises of peace only to turn around and liquidate them one by one.
If these people are really in a hurry for peace to return to the country, then they should remove threats and relocate UPDF south of Karuma. The LRA then can be in charge of peace development and security in the north. That should be coupled with messages that promote trust and confidence in both sides. Right now, what is happening is that some UPDF commanders begin to talk provocatively the moment there are positive moves towards peaceful resolution. This is because they will lose some of the benefits from operations against the rebels.
So, the best thing that the government of Southern Sudan can do is have patience and facilitate peace talk to all available extent. Assembling in specific locations seems to be the least to worry about if the two sides are ready for peace. So far the LRA have indicated maturity and seriousness by controlling its fighters, while losing some to Uganda government forces, although they are not confined in any specific locations. After exhaustive searches for solutions, the proponents may then say, " We have done our best."
Monday, July 10, 2006
Who Is Afraid of Peace?
All Ugandans should take this opportunity to unite and institute a better sytem to govern the country.
There is a Peace Talk taking place in Juba, Sudan. The aim is to bring peace to Uganda in general and northern Uganda, particularly in Acholi, Lango and Teso districts. The three proponents are: Museveni and his lieutenants and Kony and his lieutenants and the people.
Literally, Museveni has perfected a system of staying in power while Kony has perfected a system of staying in the bush. The people however are divided and are at a loss.
How have the participants fared in this war?
Museveni:
Museveni has used the war effectively to stay in power for now close to 20 years. He has mastered the art of decoy presentation, false promising and heartless killings. He has never retracted any of the statements he made that amount to discrimination among tribes. For example: “ We massacred those chaps badly…” or “surrender by July 31…”
Many other statements after this surrender ultimatum convey a different image. The government side even has gone as far as swearing that ICC will not get Kony from their hand. This is an about turn for the government and one, which reinforces the desire for peace and brotherly coexistence. I, in my own heart, salute the speaker for making such a strong and unambiguous statement, not because it defies the ICC, but that it recognizes where our salvation as Ugandans lie. If it is too good to be true, then maybe it is because the war has dragged on for far too long to be true also. However the measure of the agreement or talk is not in the agreement signed but the sincerity, commitment and determination to see peace return to Uganda, or in other words, the implementation of the resolutions.
Kony
Very little is known about this man. Even the bit that is written is extremely unrepresentative of this fighter. It is a popular sentence in the Uganda newspapers and wildly copied abroad that Kony or LRA want to rule Uganda according to the 10 Commandments. A fairer presentation should have included Kony’s genesis and the extrapolation would have indicated a wish to replace Museveni’s NRA policies with the 10 Commandments. The wild allegations about Kony and LRA are purely extrapolation of diseased minds considering northerners as biological substances. I am an Acholi and I believe I know the critical reasons for Kony’s being in the bush. In the early days of NRA when they asked people to bring the guns back, many people complied and as soon as they were disarmed, soldier of NRA attacked them at night saying they were coming to retrieve their utensils that were taken from Luwero. People were killed women were raped and men sodomized in broad daylight. This continued until people like Kony found there was no better way to protect oneself than by arming and defending their groups. As soon as they did this, the government became even more furious and literally began a campaign to obliterate Acholi from the land. So, how would any journalist write that Kony want to rule Uganda according to the 10 Commandments? It is pure self-defense.
The People
If you are in the southern part of Uganda, you hear about LRA attacks and it sounds to your ears unbelievable and you take no actions because it seems so far away. In the north you know you are in a hopeless situation because you do not know whether you will survive the day. You fear daylight and darkness equally: during the day because they can see you, at night because you can’t see them. Some people will make a fortune out of the misery of the northerners while others will lose a fortune for the same reason.
If the peace talk succeeds (brings positive changes in the country) both Museveni and Kony will be respected by the people of Uganda. The next agenda is to retire the two from public life. At this time Uganda can truly talk about amending the constitution to remove those articles that are contrary to the wishes of the people. The government should be dissolved and a general election called. This would be the best time to install true democracy in Uganda government system and dissolve the UPDF and recruit a new Uganda army.
There is a Peace Talk taking place in Juba, Sudan. The aim is to bring peace to Uganda in general and northern Uganda, particularly in Acholi, Lango and Teso districts. The three proponents are: Museveni and his lieutenants and Kony and his lieutenants and the people.
Literally, Museveni has perfected a system of staying in power while Kony has perfected a system of staying in the bush. The people however are divided and are at a loss.
How have the participants fared in this war?
Museveni:
Museveni has used the war effectively to stay in power for now close to 20 years. He has mastered the art of decoy presentation, false promising and heartless killings. He has never retracted any of the statements he made that amount to discrimination among tribes. For example: “ We massacred those chaps badly…” or “surrender by July 31…”
Many other statements after this surrender ultimatum convey a different image. The government side even has gone as far as swearing that ICC will not get Kony from their hand. This is an about turn for the government and one, which reinforces the desire for peace and brotherly coexistence. I, in my own heart, salute the speaker for making such a strong and unambiguous statement, not because it defies the ICC, but that it recognizes where our salvation as Ugandans lie. If it is too good to be true, then maybe it is because the war has dragged on for far too long to be true also. However the measure of the agreement or talk is not in the agreement signed but the sincerity, commitment and determination to see peace return to Uganda, or in other words, the implementation of the resolutions.
Kony
Very little is known about this man. Even the bit that is written is extremely unrepresentative of this fighter. It is a popular sentence in the Uganda newspapers and wildly copied abroad that Kony or LRA want to rule Uganda according to the 10 Commandments. A fairer presentation should have included Kony’s genesis and the extrapolation would have indicated a wish to replace Museveni’s NRA policies with the 10 Commandments. The wild allegations about Kony and LRA are purely extrapolation of diseased minds considering northerners as biological substances. I am an Acholi and I believe I know the critical reasons for Kony’s being in the bush. In the early days of NRA when they asked people to bring the guns back, many people complied and as soon as they were disarmed, soldier of NRA attacked them at night saying they were coming to retrieve their utensils that were taken from Luwero. People were killed women were raped and men sodomized in broad daylight. This continued until people like Kony found there was no better way to protect oneself than by arming and defending their groups. As soon as they did this, the government became even more furious and literally began a campaign to obliterate Acholi from the land. So, how would any journalist write that Kony want to rule Uganda according to the 10 Commandments? It is pure self-defense.
The People
If you are in the southern part of Uganda, you hear about LRA attacks and it sounds to your ears unbelievable and you take no actions because it seems so far away. In the north you know you are in a hopeless situation because you do not know whether you will survive the day. You fear daylight and darkness equally: during the day because they can see you, at night because you can’t see them. Some people will make a fortune out of the misery of the northerners while others will lose a fortune for the same reason.
If the peace talk succeeds (brings positive changes in the country) both Museveni and Kony will be respected by the people of Uganda. The next agenda is to retire the two from public life. At this time Uganda can truly talk about amending the constitution to remove those articles that are contrary to the wishes of the people. The government should be dissolved and a general election called. This would be the best time to install true democracy in Uganda government system and dissolve the UPDF and recruit a new Uganda army.
Friday, July 07, 2006
Towards Genuine Peace
The media has been used to condition the readers mind to an untenable position that the LRA and UPDF are equally to blame for the atrocities and war in northern Uganda. This is supposed to be the "middle ground." It is supposed to be the view of the moderates. But the Uganda government and its supporters have consistently painted a more negative picture of the LRA while we never have had the chance to hear from the LRA. Whereas each combating side is bent on making statement of their innocence, we still have a right to know who really is behind the death and destruction of a whole people and culture in Acholiland. Secondly, why can't the problem go away? Recently, Otti, the second in command of the LRA, has been interviewed by the Black Star News of New York and since the interview was over satellite communication, his answers to the questions were not rehearsed and therefore, very revealing. Otti also said that they burned down some camps so that people could go back to their homes. The picture is beginning to emerge why peace talk is not possible under Museveni. The ability of the LRA leaders to talk to the world is giving a different picture of the cause and intent of the Museveni perpetrated war.
The most glaring and convincing is the fact that LRA now categorically denies that the camp was created by them or because of their activities. And that is the single most important issue to Acholi people. They would prefer to be killed in their home rather than in concentration camps. Let the Uganda government tell us clearly why it cannot defend our people but instead find it easier to use the helicopter gunship indiscriminately against the people. To us this is evidence of Uganda government genocidal streaks. Otti stated that Museveni government gave the people 24 hours to leave their homes and move into camps that had not even been prepared for human habitation in any ways! Those who attempted to resist were summarily executed by the helicopter gunship and indiscriminate bombings of the villages. Without proper sanitation, food and shelters, the people were then exposed to death through overcrowding. The culture began to die at the same time as family units were absolutely destroyed. And for those who could not make it to the camps, they were strafed by helicopter gunship. This operation was code-named "Scorched earth campaign." That name is indicative of the government genocidal intent. As happened with the Israeli in Gaza, this was "violating international law in its Gaza offensive by inflicting heavy destruction and endangering civilians in acts of collective punishment banned under the Geneva Conventions." Museveni did this in Acholi. The Acholi live out of the land and they store their foodstuff in granaries. So when they were forced to move to the camps, they were in effect being dispossessed of all earthly belongings. The helicopter gunship was brought in to chase the remaining people from their homes. Many were killed and as a result no one could claim their rights. In the ensuing chaos, the UPDF loaded their entire foodstuff and ferried it to the south. It does not matter that the UPDF would claim all the people as LRA collaborators; it is the duty of the government to ensure that they protect the people. Now, with no food and no homes to return to, the people were forced into the camps. Many may have thought it was temporary but soon found out that their lives was changed forever. This is callous; this is genocide.
It is hard to believe that the government had no control of what was going on and therefore the best way to deal with the LRA insurgency was total annihilation of the homesteads of everyone in the whole of Acholi district. Would Museveni have done the same thing in the area where he comes from? Of course, not. If the many people who were herded into the camps were really LRA supporters as the government would want us to believe, then it would have been an almost impossible task to separate them from their main group, the LRA. It is therefore more plausible that the government has the aim of moving the people form the land and that is why the camps were created and the people were not allowed to go back and get their food or gather information of what really happened. The LRA claim is simply to make it easy for the army to carry out the genocide in the name of fighting the rebels. Assuming that the soldiers were there for the benefit and protection of the people displaced, they would have been protected in every sense of the word because in skirmishes, it was the rebels that got killed. This would have included escort back to their homestead to collect what belonging and supply they may have left behind. That is the work of the army: to protect the people from attacks and harms from all known causes.
There is a movement where the people who have been known as cattle keepers, people of Banyarwanda ethnic origin, are trying to move from the west into the north. Apach has recently expelled some 500 of them. This is the main thrust of Museveni kingdom. An excerpt from interview with BSN gives us a glimpse into what really is happening in the northern Uganda war.
BSN: What else can you say to the people of Acholi region [the war zone]?
OTTI: The people should unite so that we can protect our land and prevent the Ankoles from taking it. This has been our land for hundreds of years.
BSN: You say Museveni's soldiers committed atrocities, do you have evidence?
OTTI: Abundantly. These atrocities you see occurring that he says are committed by the LRA his soldiers are doing. We never had the means of communications before to tell our story.
As regards the peace talks, it is instructive to remember all the peace negotiations that Museveni has been through and what became of them. An excerpt from Congopanoram.info below is quite revealing.
Museveni is like Hitler in many ways except the color of his skin. Hitler was not a German but an Austrian. Likewise Museveni is not a Ugandan but a Tutsi from Rwanda who came with his mother as a refugee. Hitler attacked one country after another. He planned his attack of Russia and other countries while negotiating PEACE TREATIES with his future victims. British Prime Minister, Neville Chamberlain, naively believed that he could achieve peace with Hitler through mere negotiations. Hitler was planning his attack of Britain while mesmerizing Chamberlain with peace agreements. Museveni is doing precisely the same.
As from Charles O Kagwa:
"The,"First casualty of war is Truth" very true indeed, sad but unfortunately true” The world we live in is a composition of lies, greed and manipulations little truth can be secured”. In Uganda case, the leader is a very important ally to those who have interest to exploit the region, with resources like Gas and Oil plenty in South Sudan, Riches in D R Congo, and Uganda is still a very vital base I see NO reason why the greedy stakeholders should address truth in the Northern Uganda genocide. Unfortunately even neutral countries have joint the scramble for influence and exploitation, forming allies and cares no more for human rights abuses they preach in their own countries. The war in Great lakes provides good opportunity for plunder and employment also for research so it will most likely continue. How many peace accord, have been violated by NRM? More than five, Nairobi Accord 1985, UPDA Pece Accord 1988, UPA with Jesus Ojirot in Teso 1989, Akena Adoko UPDA 1989 all signed but violated. How many Peace jokes effort have been tried? Asked religious Leaders!"
While many people would pursue peace at all costs, the evidence of dealing with Museveni paints a very sinister picture. The people involved in the talks will certainly explore all loopholes that would cause failure of the talk to materialize into genuine peace. Museveni might be sending his emissary to talk peace while he vigorously pursues war to the end. So, he should refrain from making statements like "surrender by July 31."
We need the peace talk in Juba to succeed. Too many lives have been lost and many others are languishing in squalid camps with no hope for a better future. The people trapped in the so-called IDPs represent one of the gravest dangers to Uganda. They are desperate and very unhappy and can do anything because they have nothing to lose. If one can remember the Bolshevik Revolution then it is not unreasonable to see that these people could destroy their oppressor that has been codenamed Uganda government.
Another troubling observation is the big number of Museveni family in the top echelon of the government. Believe me, such people will never share power with the rebels who are bent to remove them from power. I do not see how their interest is going to be safeguarded in the peace talk. If these people can tone down their desires and accept to take their place among other Ugandans as equal, then we are moving towards a better and integrated Uganda.
And, finally, peace will be achieved if Acholi people replace the military commanders in Acholi district and as to concern that they will or might wish to attack Museveni's other forces, none of them should be allowed to cross Karuma armed and vice versa for Museveni's NRA. Only then will participants shake hands truly with open hearts to give Uganda one more chance at peace. This is the only safeguard against Museveni's machination as he did at the Nairobi peace talk and prevents further bloodshed and pogrom by Museveni.
The most glaring and convincing is the fact that LRA now categorically denies that the camp was created by them or because of their activities. And that is the single most important issue to Acholi people. They would prefer to be killed in their home rather than in concentration camps. Let the Uganda government tell us clearly why it cannot defend our people but instead find it easier to use the helicopter gunship indiscriminately against the people. To us this is evidence of Uganda government genocidal streaks. Otti stated that Museveni government gave the people 24 hours to leave their homes and move into camps that had not even been prepared for human habitation in any ways! Those who attempted to resist were summarily executed by the helicopter gunship and indiscriminate bombings of the villages. Without proper sanitation, food and shelters, the people were then exposed to death through overcrowding. The culture began to die at the same time as family units were absolutely destroyed. And for those who could not make it to the camps, they were strafed by helicopter gunship. This operation was code-named "Scorched earth campaign." That name is indicative of the government genocidal intent. As happened with the Israeli in Gaza, this was "violating international law in its Gaza offensive by inflicting heavy destruction and endangering civilians in acts of collective punishment banned under the Geneva Conventions." Museveni did this in Acholi. The Acholi live out of the land and they store their foodstuff in granaries. So when they were forced to move to the camps, they were in effect being dispossessed of all earthly belongings. The helicopter gunship was brought in to chase the remaining people from their homes. Many were killed and as a result no one could claim their rights. In the ensuing chaos, the UPDF loaded their entire foodstuff and ferried it to the south. It does not matter that the UPDF would claim all the people as LRA collaborators; it is the duty of the government to ensure that they protect the people. Now, with no food and no homes to return to, the people were forced into the camps. Many may have thought it was temporary but soon found out that their lives was changed forever. This is callous; this is genocide.
It is hard to believe that the government had no control of what was going on and therefore the best way to deal with the LRA insurgency was total annihilation of the homesteads of everyone in the whole of Acholi district. Would Museveni have done the same thing in the area where he comes from? Of course, not. If the many people who were herded into the camps were really LRA supporters as the government would want us to believe, then it would have been an almost impossible task to separate them from their main group, the LRA. It is therefore more plausible that the government has the aim of moving the people form the land and that is why the camps were created and the people were not allowed to go back and get their food or gather information of what really happened. The LRA claim is simply to make it easy for the army to carry out the genocide in the name of fighting the rebels. Assuming that the soldiers were there for the benefit and protection of the people displaced, they would have been protected in every sense of the word because in skirmishes, it was the rebels that got killed. This would have included escort back to their homestead to collect what belonging and supply they may have left behind. That is the work of the army: to protect the people from attacks and harms from all known causes.
There is a movement where the people who have been known as cattle keepers, people of Banyarwanda ethnic origin, are trying to move from the west into the north. Apach has recently expelled some 500 of them. This is the main thrust of Museveni kingdom. An excerpt from interview with BSN gives us a glimpse into what really is happening in the northern Uganda war.
BSN: What else can you say to the people of Acholi region [the war zone]?
OTTI: The people should unite so that we can protect our land and prevent the Ankoles from taking it. This has been our land for hundreds of years.
BSN: You say Museveni's soldiers committed atrocities, do you have evidence?
OTTI: Abundantly. These atrocities you see occurring that he says are committed by the LRA his soldiers are doing. We never had the means of communications before to tell our story.
As regards the peace talks, it is instructive to remember all the peace negotiations that Museveni has been through and what became of them. An excerpt from Congopanoram.info below is quite revealing.
Museveni is like Hitler in many ways except the color of his skin. Hitler was not a German but an Austrian. Likewise Museveni is not a Ugandan but a Tutsi from Rwanda who came with his mother as a refugee. Hitler attacked one country after another. He planned his attack of Russia and other countries while negotiating PEACE TREATIES with his future victims. British Prime Minister, Neville Chamberlain, naively believed that he could achieve peace with Hitler through mere negotiations. Hitler was planning his attack of Britain while mesmerizing Chamberlain with peace agreements. Museveni is doing precisely the same.
As from Charles O Kagwa:
"The,"First casualty of war is Truth" very true indeed, sad but unfortunately true” The world we live in is a composition of lies, greed and manipulations little truth can be secured”. In Uganda case, the leader is a very important ally to those who have interest to exploit the region, with resources like Gas and Oil plenty in South Sudan, Riches in D R Congo, and Uganda is still a very vital base I see NO reason why the greedy stakeholders should address truth in the Northern Uganda genocide. Unfortunately even neutral countries have joint the scramble for influence and exploitation, forming allies and cares no more for human rights abuses they preach in their own countries. The war in Great lakes provides good opportunity for plunder and employment also for research so it will most likely continue. How many peace accord, have been violated by NRM? More than five, Nairobi Accord 1985, UPDA Pece Accord 1988, UPA with Jesus Ojirot in Teso 1989, Akena Adoko UPDA 1989 all signed but violated. How many Peace jokes effort have been tried? Asked religious Leaders!"
While many people would pursue peace at all costs, the evidence of dealing with Museveni paints a very sinister picture. The people involved in the talks will certainly explore all loopholes that would cause failure of the talk to materialize into genuine peace. Museveni might be sending his emissary to talk peace while he vigorously pursues war to the end. So, he should refrain from making statements like "surrender by July 31."
We need the peace talk in Juba to succeed. Too many lives have been lost and many others are languishing in squalid camps with no hope for a better future. The people trapped in the so-called IDPs represent one of the gravest dangers to Uganda. They are desperate and very unhappy and can do anything because they have nothing to lose. If one can remember the Bolshevik Revolution then it is not unreasonable to see that these people could destroy their oppressor that has been codenamed Uganda government.
Another troubling observation is the big number of Museveni family in the top echelon of the government. Believe me, such people will never share power with the rebels who are bent to remove them from power. I do not see how their interest is going to be safeguarded in the peace talk. If these people can tone down their desires and accept to take their place among other Ugandans as equal, then we are moving towards a better and integrated Uganda.
And, finally, peace will be achieved if Acholi people replace the military commanders in Acholi district and as to concern that they will or might wish to attack Museveni's other forces, none of them should be allowed to cross Karuma armed and vice versa for Museveni's NRA. Only then will participants shake hands truly with open hearts to give Uganda one more chance at peace. This is the only safeguard against Museveni's machination as he did at the Nairobi peace talk and prevents further bloodshed and pogrom by Museveni.
Saturday, November 05, 2005
What Do All These Mean?
Many things are happening in Uganda that would cause one to fear for the country.
First:
From the Monitor newspaper of January 20, 2006
Emmanuel Gyezaho, Evelyn Lirri & Francis Mugerwa
Mubende
A SPEEDING army truck yesterday dispersed a crowd that had gathered to listen to Uganda Peoples Congress presidential candidate Miria Obote at Kasambira Gombolola headquarters in Mubende district.
The army truck Reg. No. DO 1DF004 first sped past the rally venue, stopped abruptly after 100 metres, made a U-turn and sped back sending the crowd scampering for safety.
Second:
“EMMA MASUMBUKO
MAKERERE The National Resistance Movement Secretary General, Mr Amama Mbabazi, has said the ruling Movement still has the capacity to go to the bush to defend the country from dictatorial regimes.He was speaking at the launch of the National Youth Conference at Makerere University on Saturday. Mbabazi told students leaders from various institutions that though it is their role to ensure continuity of peace and prosperity ushered by the Movement government, “the elders will not fold their hands if the youth decide otherwise”.“I may look old but if it is necessary to go back to the bush to save Ugandans from suffering, I can still join that struggle since I was part of the team that changed poor leadership in Uganda,” he said. “
Third:
On the military side: Muhoozi Kainerugaba, who heads a regiment of the Presidential Guard Brigade is Museveni's own son. This is the closest to a private army Museveni has ventured. Then comes General Aronda Nyakairima, a close supporter of Museveni, who has been made Chief of Defense Forces, replacing General Kazini. Aronda will do Musevni's bidings. Major General Kayihura who was Museveni’s aide and a military commissar in the UPDF replaced the Inspector General of Police, General Wamala. Museveni never liked the police and never trusted the police because of their penchant for evidence or releasing "suspects" {criminals in NRM/Museveni lingo) for lack of it. Now the police can arrest you on trumped up charges. And if they can't, the army will sure get you!
Conclusion:
All these people mentioned will have no jobs when a new party forms the government. All of them have a lot of questions to answer to Ugandans ranging from the way soldiers were deployed in Congo to looting of mineral from that country. Now, if they can conceal, they will do so. If they can steal, they will and if they are willing to go back to the bush then why even bother leaving the power in their hand? Museveni has laid out a carefully crafted plan to retain power under various possible circumstances, with or without winning the election. For each scenario, Museveni has the winning numbers.
First:
From the Monitor newspaper of January 20, 2006
Emmanuel Gyezaho, Evelyn Lirri & Francis Mugerwa
Mubende
A SPEEDING army truck yesterday dispersed a crowd that had gathered to listen to Uganda Peoples Congress presidential candidate Miria Obote at Kasambira Gombolola headquarters in Mubende district.
The army truck Reg. No. DO 1DF004 first sped past the rally venue, stopped abruptly after 100 metres, made a U-turn and sped back sending the crowd scampering for safety.
Second:
“EMMA MASUMBUKO
MAKERERE The National Resistance Movement Secretary General, Mr Amama Mbabazi, has said the ruling Movement still has the capacity to go to the bush to defend the country from dictatorial regimes.He was speaking at the launch of the National Youth Conference at Makerere University on Saturday. Mbabazi told students leaders from various institutions that though it is their role to ensure continuity of peace and prosperity ushered by the Movement government, “the elders will not fold their hands if the youth decide otherwise”.“I may look old but if it is necessary to go back to the bush to save Ugandans from suffering, I can still join that struggle since I was part of the team that changed poor leadership in Uganda,” he said. “
Third:
On the military side: Muhoozi Kainerugaba, who heads a regiment of the Presidential Guard Brigade is Museveni's own son. This is the closest to a private army Museveni has ventured. Then comes General Aronda Nyakairima, a close supporter of Museveni, who has been made Chief of Defense Forces, replacing General Kazini. Aronda will do Musevni's bidings. Major General Kayihura who was Museveni’s aide and a military commissar in the UPDF replaced the Inspector General of Police, General Wamala. Museveni never liked the police and never trusted the police because of their penchant for evidence or releasing "suspects" {criminals in NRM/Museveni lingo) for lack of it. Now the police can arrest you on trumped up charges. And if they can't, the army will sure get you!
Conclusion:
All these people mentioned will have no jobs when a new party forms the government. All of them have a lot of questions to answer to Ugandans ranging from the way soldiers were deployed in Congo to looting of mineral from that country. Now, if they can conceal, they will do so. If they can steal, they will and if they are willing to go back to the bush then why even bother leaving the power in their hand? Museveni has laid out a carefully crafted plan to retain power under various possible circumstances, with or without winning the election. For each scenario, Museveni has the winning numbers.
Sunday, September 18, 2005
Gen. Kony's Lord's Resistance Army Turns into 'Crude Oil!'
There is a strong connection between Southern Sudan, Kenya and Uganda. The recent peace accord between the SPLM and Sudan government was negotiated and signed in Kenya, while Uganda gave SPLM support and accommodation. Meanwhile, Sudan hosted the LRA.
Now the table is turning. Garang was sworn in as first vice president of Sudan and the south effectively given self-government or autonomy. In six-year time the south will decide in a referendum whether to secede from Sudan or not.
Garang then made a visit to Kenya and decided to pass through Uganda on his return trip to Sudan. On his way back to his base in New Site in Sudan, Garang was killed in a Uganda presidential helicopter crash. That crash has been mired in controversies prompting Museveni to come out with several conflicting statements about it. In one, he claimed that '"Some people say accident. It may be an accident, it may be something else," Museveni said, according to radio and news agency reports. He said the helicopter was "very well equipped . . .The one I am flying all the time. I am not ruling anything out. Either the pilot panicked, or there was some side wind, or the instruments failed, or there was an external factor."' The Sudanese were baffled.
Before he left Rwakitura, Museveni's Ranch, Garang had made a statement that "Kony won't be hiding there for long. It is not only Kony, but also all the militias who have been operating in the area. We need to provide peace, security and stability, so the militias including those that were formerly supported by the government, must be disbanded."
The terms of the Sudan Comprehensive Peace Agreement effectively splits Sudan into two 'states' and with the existence of large reserve of crude oil particularly in the south, many companies and groups are already vying for prime spot in the country. It would not be surprising if Salim Saleh, Museveni's brother, moved his base into Sudan to 'finish Kony and his LRA.'
What would Museveni the tactician do in such a situation? Less than a month, Silva Kiir the man who replaced Garang made a similar visit to Museveni on September 7, 2005. Garang died in helicopter crash July 30, 2005 after discussing LRA with Museveni. Kiir also discussed the possibility of Sudanese soldiers joining forces with Ugandan army to fight the Lords Resistance Army based in southern Sudan. Now, all of a sudden, Kony and his LRA has shifted further north of the 'red line' deeper into Sudan and Museveni needs to get closer to them! Is Kony the red herring to allow Museveni occupy Southern Sudan?
As reported:
On September 4, 2005 PRESIDENT Yoweri Museveni has asked Sudanese President Omar el-Bashir to allow the UPDF to pursue LRA rebel leader Joseph Kony, who has fled beyond the Red Line.
A few days later:
KAMPALA, 15 Sep 2005 (IRIN) - A group of about 40 raiders believed to be fighters of the Ugandan Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) rebel movement attacked villages in southern Sudan earlier this week, setting homes on fire and abducting several people, officials said on Thursday.There was no report of casualties.
The plot thickens when the LRA, which has hitherto not operated across the White Nile, attacked villages, burned houses and traveled west with the intention of entering the DRC. The cycle is complete. Museveni is positioning himself for a piece of the action in Sudan. In this scenario, Southern Sudan might as well bid goodbye to peace!
In the case of Congo's mineral resources, Museveni paired with Kagame to topple Gen. Mobutu and installed Laurent Kabila. Then the mineral rich areas in the east were occupied by Ugandan and Rwandese troops. These armies were under separate command. In fact, there were several face-offs between Rwandese and Ugandan armies that prevented Museveni from subverting Rwanda's sovereignty.
Will Salva Kiir allow Museveni to wedge Uganda soldiers between Juba and Khartoum? Interestingly, Salva Kiir, when asked about the need for "one Sudan", after Garang's demise, said that "Let us cross the bridge when we reach it". He was referring to the referendum on the issue of a united Sudan, which is due to be held in six years. Museveni may be trying to speed up that day.
Now the table is turning. Garang was sworn in as first vice president of Sudan and the south effectively given self-government or autonomy. In six-year time the south will decide in a referendum whether to secede from Sudan or not.
Garang then made a visit to Kenya and decided to pass through Uganda on his return trip to Sudan. On his way back to his base in New Site in Sudan, Garang was killed in a Uganda presidential helicopter crash. That crash has been mired in controversies prompting Museveni to come out with several conflicting statements about it. In one, he claimed that '"Some people say accident. It may be an accident, it may be something else," Museveni said, according to radio and news agency reports. He said the helicopter was "very well equipped . . .The one I am flying all the time. I am not ruling anything out. Either the pilot panicked, or there was some side wind, or the instruments failed, or there was an external factor."' The Sudanese were baffled.
Before he left Rwakitura, Museveni's Ranch, Garang had made a statement that "Kony won't be hiding there for long. It is not only Kony, but also all the militias who have been operating in the area. We need to provide peace, security and stability, so the militias including those that were formerly supported by the government, must be disbanded."
The terms of the Sudan Comprehensive Peace Agreement effectively splits Sudan into two 'states' and with the existence of large reserve of crude oil particularly in the south, many companies and groups are already vying for prime spot in the country. It would not be surprising if Salim Saleh, Museveni's brother, moved his base into Sudan to 'finish Kony and his LRA.'
What would Museveni the tactician do in such a situation? Less than a month, Silva Kiir the man who replaced Garang made a similar visit to Museveni on September 7, 2005. Garang died in helicopter crash July 30, 2005 after discussing LRA with Museveni. Kiir also discussed the possibility of Sudanese soldiers joining forces with Ugandan army to fight the Lords Resistance Army based in southern Sudan. Now, all of a sudden, Kony and his LRA has shifted further north of the 'red line' deeper into Sudan and Museveni needs to get closer to them! Is Kony the red herring to allow Museveni occupy Southern Sudan?
As reported:
On September 4, 2005 PRESIDENT Yoweri Museveni has asked Sudanese President Omar el-Bashir to allow the UPDF to pursue LRA rebel leader Joseph Kony, who has fled beyond the Red Line.
A few days later:
KAMPALA, 15 Sep 2005 (IRIN) - A group of about 40 raiders believed to be fighters of the Ugandan Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) rebel movement attacked villages in southern Sudan earlier this week, setting homes on fire and abducting several people, officials said on Thursday.There was no report of casualties.
The plot thickens when the LRA, which has hitherto not operated across the White Nile, attacked villages, burned houses and traveled west with the intention of entering the DRC. The cycle is complete. Museveni is positioning himself for a piece of the action in Sudan. In this scenario, Southern Sudan might as well bid goodbye to peace!
In the case of Congo's mineral resources, Museveni paired with Kagame to topple Gen. Mobutu and installed Laurent Kabila. Then the mineral rich areas in the east were occupied by Ugandan and Rwandese troops. These armies were under separate command. In fact, there were several face-offs between Rwandese and Ugandan armies that prevented Museveni from subverting Rwanda's sovereignty.
Will Salva Kiir allow Museveni to wedge Uganda soldiers between Juba and Khartoum? Interestingly, Salva Kiir, when asked about the need for "one Sudan", after Garang's demise, said that "Let us cross the bridge when we reach it". He was referring to the referendum on the issue of a united Sudan, which is due to be held in six years. Museveni may be trying to speed up that day.
Friday, September 09, 2005
Museveni Makes a Surprise Skirmish into Sudan
Museveni Makes a Surprise Skirmish into Sudan
When Museveni went to Sudan to attend the funeral of General Garang he decided to test a few theories along the way to Yei. In the process he was able to violate the sovereignty of Sudan and test the response he would get if it were a real invasion of Sudan. He attempted a similar trick with Kagame in Rwanda, but it did not work. According to report in the Nation, "A source said Khartoum is particularly concerned that President Museveni entered Sudanese territory without informing the central authority. According to military sources, the president entered Yei under heavy military escort including battlewagons and heavy artillery."
Museveni has used this trick before after concluding the Nairobi peace accord with the UNLA Military Junta of General Tito Lutwa, which has been dubbed "peace jokes." Museveni had demanded that his troops be allowed unrestricted access to the barracks to mingle with the rest of the army. Instead, he used the opportunity to grab weapons and launch an onslaught on the UNLA from within. That should explain why Museveni "entered Yei under heavy military escort including battlewagons and heavy artillery."
Now Museveni's minister for defense, Amama Mbaazi wants $200 million to finish Kony. Meanwhile, Museveni asked Khartoum to "allow" him to follow Kony up to north of Juba Road because Kony has moved north of that road! At the same time Museveni claimed in Gulu that he could finish Kony in 30 minutes thereby stretching the imagination of we ordinary Ugandans. If Uganda army is now located north of Juba road a big logistic nightmare would have been solved in preparation for following "Kony" all the way to Khartoum. In line with Museveni style, the SPLA would now be foolish enough to renege on the peace talk that allowed power sharing and go for the seat of Omar Bashir where General Kony is supposed to be running to. What else would Museveni want from SPLA?
Museveni is the one to lose from a stable Sudan after the peace accord signed in Kenya because it would make him look out of place with the northern Uganda war which has no meaning whichever way you look at it except to generate millions of dollars for Museveni in the name of fighting terrorism. The late Garang and his deputy, Salva Kiir, fought a long war that has now been ended and they have started moving towards coexistence. They know what is best for their people. All that Museveni want to do is wreck the SPLM peace with Khartoum because it puts him in a bad light.
I, seriously, would wish the Sudanese government to allow Museveni to move his troops in Gulu to north of Juba road so that peace can return to Acholiland.
Khartoum, grant us that one wish!
When Museveni went to Sudan to attend the funeral of General Garang he decided to test a few theories along the way to Yei. In the process he was able to violate the sovereignty of Sudan and test the response he would get if it were a real invasion of Sudan. He attempted a similar trick with Kagame in Rwanda, but it did not work. According to report in the Nation, "A source said Khartoum is particularly concerned that President Museveni entered Sudanese territory without informing the central authority. According to military sources, the president entered Yei under heavy military escort including battlewagons and heavy artillery."
Museveni has used this trick before after concluding the Nairobi peace accord with the UNLA Military Junta of General Tito Lutwa, which has been dubbed "peace jokes." Museveni had demanded that his troops be allowed unrestricted access to the barracks to mingle with the rest of the army. Instead, he used the opportunity to grab weapons and launch an onslaught on the UNLA from within. That should explain why Museveni "entered Yei under heavy military escort including battlewagons and heavy artillery."
Now Museveni's minister for defense, Amama Mbaazi wants $200 million to finish Kony. Meanwhile, Museveni asked Khartoum to "allow" him to follow Kony up to north of Juba Road because Kony has moved north of that road! At the same time Museveni claimed in Gulu that he could finish Kony in 30 minutes thereby stretching the imagination of we ordinary Ugandans. If Uganda army is now located north of Juba road a big logistic nightmare would have been solved in preparation for following "Kony" all the way to Khartoum. In line with Museveni style, the SPLA would now be foolish enough to renege on the peace talk that allowed power sharing and go for the seat of Omar Bashir where General Kony is supposed to be running to. What else would Museveni want from SPLA?
Museveni is the one to lose from a stable Sudan after the peace accord signed in Kenya because it would make him look out of place with the northern Uganda war which has no meaning whichever way you look at it except to generate millions of dollars for Museveni in the name of fighting terrorism. The late Garang and his deputy, Salva Kiir, fought a long war that has now been ended and they have started moving towards coexistence. They know what is best for their people. All that Museveni want to do is wreck the SPLM peace with Khartoum because it puts him in a bad light.
I, seriously, would wish the Sudanese government to allow Museveni to move his troops in Gulu to north of Juba road so that peace can return to Acholiland.
Khartoum, grant us that one wish!
Monday, August 15, 2005
Regional Security?
Events that have occurred in the last days of July and the early part of August this year 2005 have indicated that the NRM leaders do not respect us as individuals. The very notion that the fundamental freedoms as enshrined in the United Nations Charter are directly applicable to each individual is viewed differently by the NRM. Also the propensity for the NRM translating issue only in it own preferable ways came out clearly when Museveni himself said that nothing could be ruled out in Garang’s helicopter’s crash. No sooner than the independent FM station joined in the debate did Museveni do a complete about face. He not only declared that, Mwenda, the host of the FM station could not only say what he Museveni had already said, but he even made sure that Mwenda was arrested and the radio station closed down because he was 'playing with regional security.'
But the truth is that anything that affects any of the leaders in our regions affects us all. Therefore, collectively as a civic duty we are bound to seek to know why something has happened so that we can formulate the most appropriate response. Garang’s death affect many people in the regions that include Uganda, Kenya, Ethiopia, Sudan, Chad, Congo, Somali and Egypt just to mention a few countries. Northern Uganda has not known peace for as long as Museveni has been in power. With the installation of Garang as first vice president of Sudan, the situation was expected to change. Southern Sudan was also expecting much better conditions and they put all their trust in the vision of Dr. John Garang. It is instructive to know that the reaction to Garang’s death in which more than 100 people died was not because who killed Garang. It was simply an expression of deep and unacceptable loss that no one had a way of addressing. It was total disbelief and inability to accept that Garang whom just yesterday they pinned their hopes and aspirations on, was today gone forever. Never to be seen again or heard from. The riot was a reaction to the tragic loss of a one whom they had become endeared to but not because of how he died. Of course, during the riot other factors may increase or decrease the intensity of the riot. In other words, one could manipulate the riot in a given direction as towards a group or idea or goal. There is no shortage of that in the region!
In Kampala it was an opportune moment to rein in the pesky Monitor and its popular radio station hosted by Andrew Mwenda. The signal came in an outburst reminiscent of Idi Amin’s days in which Museveni threatened to close down any newspaper that “plays around with regional security.” Immediately, broadcasting commission wrote a letter closing the radio station on the ground that it aired ‘seditious’ material. So, while the people are mourning Garang, Museveni is reaping benefit by clamping down on the opposition, drawing the attention away from the recent tampering with the constitution and the failed referendum exercise. In fact, this is the time when Museveni slides the timeline all the way back to January 26,1986.
So, whenever you hear Museveni lashing out at everybody a la Amin, and security matter is thrown in anyhow among the sentences for the right effect, and the crowd roars with approval, know that the time has come for him to take some very drastic and irrational action. It usually comes in the form of ‘military matter,’ ‘national security,’ ‘regional security’ or any such combination that would allow them to take action without being held accountable.
But the truth is that anything that affects any of the leaders in our regions affects us all. Therefore, collectively as a civic duty we are bound to seek to know why something has happened so that we can formulate the most appropriate response. Garang’s death affect many people in the regions that include Uganda, Kenya, Ethiopia, Sudan, Chad, Congo, Somali and Egypt just to mention a few countries. Northern Uganda has not known peace for as long as Museveni has been in power. With the installation of Garang as first vice president of Sudan, the situation was expected to change. Southern Sudan was also expecting much better conditions and they put all their trust in the vision of Dr. John Garang. It is instructive to know that the reaction to Garang’s death in which more than 100 people died was not because who killed Garang. It was simply an expression of deep and unacceptable loss that no one had a way of addressing. It was total disbelief and inability to accept that Garang whom just yesterday they pinned their hopes and aspirations on, was today gone forever. Never to be seen again or heard from. The riot was a reaction to the tragic loss of a one whom they had become endeared to but not because of how he died. Of course, during the riot other factors may increase or decrease the intensity of the riot. In other words, one could manipulate the riot in a given direction as towards a group or idea or goal. There is no shortage of that in the region!
In Kampala it was an opportune moment to rein in the pesky Monitor and its popular radio station hosted by Andrew Mwenda. The signal came in an outburst reminiscent of Idi Amin’s days in which Museveni threatened to close down any newspaper that “plays around with regional security.” Immediately, broadcasting commission wrote a letter closing the radio station on the ground that it aired ‘seditious’ material. So, while the people are mourning Garang, Museveni is reaping benefit by clamping down on the opposition, drawing the attention away from the recent tampering with the constitution and the failed referendum exercise. In fact, this is the time when Museveni slides the timeline all the way back to January 26,1986.
So, whenever you hear Museveni lashing out at everybody a la Amin, and security matter is thrown in anyhow among the sentences for the right effect, and the crowd roars with approval, know that the time has come for him to take some very drastic and irrational action. It usually comes in the form of ‘military matter,’ ‘national security,’ ‘regional security’ or any such combination that would allow them to take action without being held accountable.
Wednesday, July 27, 2005
Museveni Bares His Teeth
Museveni has clearly told the people of Uganda in no uncertain language that the Movement (a code name for Museveni) will continue ruling Uganda irrespective of the referendum. The referendum is his way of ferreting out the opposition with bait for political pluralism then liquidating them. At the same time he is ensuring that anyone that remains in the NRM must follow what he Museveni wants. Anytime you disagree with him, Museveni, you will be kicked out the NRM, and subsequently out of political power. You will then be subjected to the machination of the NRM who are dubbed 'the people' in the referendum exercise.
To choose a side in the referendum, there are two symbols: The Tree and the Hut with a closed door. Museveni is leading the team campaigning for the Tree and other Movement supporters or die-hard are campaigning for the Hut. So, if you vote for the Tree, you vote for Museveni. If you vote for the Hut, then you vote for maintaining the current system, which is being lead by Museveni himself. That is why so many people find the exercise meaningless.
In a newspaper report:
Museveni said that the referendum is not a contest between political parties and the Movement insisting that it was important to free those who feel conscripted into the Movement, disarm those that have been spreading damaging propaganda against his government in the international community and to allow the minority that have refused to embrace the Movement ideology to belong to their own home.
"We are not asking you to vote on what is better between the Movement and political parties; that one we decided a long time ago. The Movement wants to rid itself of those people," Museveni said. "There is nothing wrong with the Movement; it is the best. The question is how long should we wrestle with people who have persistently refused to join us for the last 19 years?" he said. End of newspaper report.
Looking at it another way, political parties have already been registered by an act of Parliament. So, if the notion that the majority of Ugandans are already NRM members is true, why waste money on a referendum that makes no sense anyway? The majority will simply vote for the NRM and save the 22 billion for other urgent projects.
Last month MPs backed a controversial amendment to the draft constitution, which would scrap limit on presidential terms. And now the referendum is going to be used to stifle multiparty and entrench the NRM as the only political system. And Museveni will rule as long as his system stands. There you have it, ladies and gentlemen. No Change or Kisanja wins.
To choose a side in the referendum, there are two symbols: The Tree and the Hut with a closed door. Museveni is leading the team campaigning for the Tree and other Movement supporters or die-hard are campaigning for the Hut. So, if you vote for the Tree, you vote for Museveni. If you vote for the Hut, then you vote for maintaining the current system, which is being lead by Museveni himself. That is why so many people find the exercise meaningless.
In a newspaper report:
Museveni said that the referendum is not a contest between political parties and the Movement insisting that it was important to free those who feel conscripted into the Movement, disarm those that have been spreading damaging propaganda against his government in the international community and to allow the minority that have refused to embrace the Movement ideology to belong to their own home.
"We are not asking you to vote on what is better between the Movement and political parties; that one we decided a long time ago. The Movement wants to rid itself of those people," Museveni said. "There is nothing wrong with the Movement; it is the best. The question is how long should we wrestle with people who have persistently refused to join us for the last 19 years?" he said. End of newspaper report.
Looking at it another way, political parties have already been registered by an act of Parliament. So, if the notion that the majority of Ugandans are already NRM members is true, why waste money on a referendum that makes no sense anyway? The majority will simply vote for the NRM and save the 22 billion for other urgent projects.
Last month MPs backed a controversial amendment to the draft constitution, which would scrap limit on presidential terms. And now the referendum is going to be used to stifle multiparty and entrench the NRM as the only political system. And Museveni will rule as long as his system stands. There you have it, ladies and gentlemen. No Change or Kisanja wins.
Friday, July 15, 2005
Museveni Lays The Last Straw on Uganda's Back
IRAQ is rapidly approaching a watershed moment: the unveiling of its new constitution. This event will probably be seen in retrospect as either the moment that the leaders of Iraq reconsecrated their troubled nation, or as the opening act of the country's descent into civil war. It is troubling, then, that events are proceeding with undue haste and a lack of public input, either of which might doom the process and invite a conflagration that would make the insurgency look like a garden party.
Excerpt from NY Times by
J Alexander Their
Published: July 14, 2005
Stanford, Calif.
In a similar vein, events unfolding in Uganda parallel that of Iraq as it attempts to form a government of national unity. There are more serious issues that demand the actions of the Uganda Parliament more than this vain referendum exercise in which the people have no idea what is required of them. People in Acholi and other parts are living in camps and the children have known no peace. Every night they trek to the town for safety. This matter should be on the referendum but it is not even considered in parliament.
The dramatic change in the constitution for the benefit of one man marks a watershed in Uganda history. This event was not reached through consensus but bribery.
Not every time a leader dreams of new ideas should the people be approached go through a referendum exercise. Such actions are very costly and do not reflect the free choice of an informed populace. Instead it could only reflect the response of the sycophants and those benefiting directly from maintaining the current status quo. Forcing a referendum down the peoples throat is the surest way of entrenching dictatorship under the guise that “the people has spoken.” We know that the ordinary people have neither the means nor the cohesion to spontaneously come together in such an important topic.
When the matter of changing the constitution was first brought to parliament, it was defeated. But Museveni would have none of that. He manipulated the parliament to have his way. Subsequent votes show that the Museveni clique won. Why did this happen? Because voting was not necessary to achieve this aim and many members simply complied with Museveni’s wish. Parliament is rubberstamp. Museveni would get what he wanted irrespective of the voting. And there were/are MPs that are considered Museveni’s property. These people have no way to avoid doing the Museveni jig. Everything was done in a great hurry without giving people time to build consensus and trust.
Kony has been a convenient scapegoat but what is going to happen will make Kony insurgency look like ‘a garden party.’ This is neither a threat nor a prophecy. It is merely an observed fact of life under dictatorial regimes.
Excerpt from NY Times by
J Alexander Their
Published: July 14, 2005
Stanford, Calif.
In a similar vein, events unfolding in Uganda parallel that of Iraq as it attempts to form a government of national unity. There are more serious issues that demand the actions of the Uganda Parliament more than this vain referendum exercise in which the people have no idea what is required of them. People in Acholi and other parts are living in camps and the children have known no peace. Every night they trek to the town for safety. This matter should be on the referendum but it is not even considered in parliament.
The dramatic change in the constitution for the benefit of one man marks a watershed in Uganda history. This event was not reached through consensus but bribery.
Not every time a leader dreams of new ideas should the people be approached go through a referendum exercise. Such actions are very costly and do not reflect the free choice of an informed populace. Instead it could only reflect the response of the sycophants and those benefiting directly from maintaining the current status quo. Forcing a referendum down the peoples throat is the surest way of entrenching dictatorship under the guise that “the people has spoken.” We know that the ordinary people have neither the means nor the cohesion to spontaneously come together in such an important topic.
When the matter of changing the constitution was first brought to parliament, it was defeated. But Museveni would have none of that. He manipulated the parliament to have his way. Subsequent votes show that the Museveni clique won. Why did this happen? Because voting was not necessary to achieve this aim and many members simply complied with Museveni’s wish. Parliament is rubberstamp. Museveni would get what he wanted irrespective of the voting. And there were/are MPs that are considered Museveni’s property. These people have no way to avoid doing the Museveni jig. Everything was done in a great hurry without giving people time to build consensus and trust.
Kony has been a convenient scapegoat but what is going to happen will make Kony insurgency look like ‘a garden party.’ This is neither a threat nor a prophecy. It is merely an observed fact of life under dictatorial regimes.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
